I hope the HofL gives it more time and scrutiny than MPs did!

I hope the HofL gives it more time and scrutiny than MPs did!

MPs back sentencing reforms that 'catapult criminals back on street'

Why has the UK done nothing in over 6 years about amending just one section of an Act, and yet last night a complex 200 page Bill covering 3 complex subjects was rushed passed through its second reading by 295 votes to 212? Obviously, Parliament is not doing its job!

Wednesday, June 29, 2011

The History of Cash for Prisoners and Commercial Lobbying: A National Scandal

The History of Cash for Prisoners and Commercial Lobbying: A National Scandal

by John Hirst


According to Policy Transfer and Criminal Justice by Jones and Newburn: “the policy of contracting out of prisons and remand centres to commercial providers was first mooted in 1984 by the free-market think tank, the Adam Smith Institute (ASI)”.
Largely falling on deaf ears, the ASI published a second report in 1987, Privatizing Prisons: The Moral Case, written by Professor Charles H Logan. Between the two reports in 1986, the Home Affairs Select Committee (HAC), chaired by the late Conservative MP, Sir Edward Gardner, started an inquiry into the state of prisons in England and Wales. Although the privatisation of prisons was not within the remit of the inquiry, members of the HAC visited American prisons, concentrating on those private prisons operated by Corrections Corporation of America (CCA). Due to the divisions between Labour and the Tories on this issue, the topic was not covered in the main report, but was, instead, the subject of a separate report, which recommended privatising prisons.

In support of Sir Edward Gardner on this matter was the senior Tory member, Sir John Wheeler. Another Tory, the junior Home Office minister Lord Windlesham, began to lobby the Prime Minister. The Home Office minister, Lord Caithness, also visited America and upon his return advocated privatisation of prisons. John Mowlem Ltd, a large donor to the Tory party, and Sir Robert McAlpine Ltd, a large donor to the Tory party, formed a consortium with the US based CCA. Following this, the government published its Green Paper, Private Sector Involvement in the Remand System, in July 1988 and commercial lobbying subsequently reached fever pitch. No surprises then that Contract Prisons Ltd was formed with the former HAC chairman Sir Edward Gardner as chief executive. Looking back, it is difficult to see any legitimate justification for private involvement given that by the late 1980s the remand population had fallen quite significantly.

The Home Office was against the idea of privatisation of prisons and was against a provision allowing for privatisation of remand prisons in the Criminal Justice Bill, however, those with vested interests continued to lobby for it and when Margaret Thatcher put her weight behind it, the Home Office caved in. A clause was added which permitted contracting out for newly constructed remand facilities. But still those with a vested interest were not satisfied. At the committee stage, Tory backbenchers and Lord Windlesham lobbied for and succeeded with an amendment which granted the power to contract out for convicted prisoners and existing prisons and remand centres. Money talks!

According to a 1989 article in The Guardian, the "private prison network" came together on September 15, 1988, at a dinner for more than 150 people, given by the conservative Carlton Club's political committee. "All the various players were there," the article by D. Rose read: "representatives of the ASI and other right wing policy units, civil servants, John Wheeler and his colleagues, architects and people from the consortia ... a mood of satisfied expectation was beginning to emerge".

As a recent Guardian article reported: 'last week two judges in Pennsylvania were convicted of jailing some 2,000 children in exchange for bribes from private prison companies… The judges were paid $2.6m by companies belonging to the Mid-Atlantic Youth Services Corp for helping to fill its jails. This is what happens when public services are run for profit'.

In Sweden, prisons are built to accommodate 250 inmates, whereas the private sector in the UK lobbied for 3 Titan Prisons to be built each to accommodate 2,500 prisoners. Even though the Titan Prisons plan has been scrapped in favour of 5 x 1,500 place prisons, that’s still 7,500 places at £40,000 per year per inmate; that’s £60 million per year per prison of taxpayers’ money which will go into the privateers’ pockets (including private security companies on 25-year contracts and open by 2013). It is one thing to jail people if it is necessary, and quite another to jail people for profit. Whatever the legal position, there is no moral case for prison privatisation.

John Hirst blogs as Jailhouselawyer and is the Media, Legal and Political adviser to the Association of Prisoners. He spent 35 years in prison and is currently on life licence out in the community.

Parliament cannot keep PACE with the Council of Europe

Parliament cannot keep PACE with the Council of Europe

Ministers’ Deputies

CM Documents

CM/AS(2011)6 28 June 2011


Communication on the activities of the Committee of Ministers

Address by Mr Kostyantyn Gryshchenko, Chairman of the Committee of Ministers, to the Parliamentary Assembly (Strasbourg, 20 June 2011)

Mr President, members of the Parliamentary Assembly, ladies and gentlemen, at the outset, allow me to say what a great honour it is for me to address your Assembly today to report on the activities of the Committee of Ministers. This is not the first time that I have addressed the Assembly, but it is the first time I have done so in the capacity of Chairman of the Committee of Ministers.

At the end of last month, I had the pleasure of welcoming some of you in Kyiv and of presenting the priorities of our chairmanship to the meeting of your Standing Committee. Today, I am addressing the plenary session of the Parliamentary Assembly. This is a very important moment for my country, which is chairing the Committee of Ministers for the first time in its history.

I should like to begin by stating the importance that the Committee of Ministers, and our chairmanship in particular, attaches to the development of constructive co-operation with your Assembly. The reason for this is simple since the deliverable target on which we are working is the same: tolerant, open and mutually supportive societies based on respect for human rights, democracy and the rule of law, thriving all over Europe.

Indeed, mutual support is vital to make our activities successful. It is hence my hope that interaction between the intergovernmental and parliamentary branches of the Council of Europe will be continued in the spirit of our chairmanship’s slogan: “Common values – joint efforts”. In that context, I appreciate the fact that you yourself, Mr President, recently mentioned, as you have just done in your statement, that the three main priorities of the Ukrainian chairmanship coincided exactly with those of your Assembly. I wish to explain today how we intend to fulfil them.

First, however, I should emphasise that a chairmanship does not start from scratch. It builds on the achievements of its predecessors as well as needing to ensure coherence and continuity in the activities of chairmanships. My country thus intends to continue the work done by the previous chairmanships, particularly the Turkish one, with which our co-operation was excellent. Ukraine also looks forward to working with the forthcoming United Kingdom and Albanian chairmanships on our shared priorities. Allow me to underscore that, for the first time ever, we have managed to reach agreement on the priorities among the three successive chairs. This allows us to suggest that the activities of this chairmanship will go on beyond its
six-month tenure.

As far as reform of the Council of Europe is concerned, the Ukrainian chairmanship will continue to offer its support to the Secretary General’s efforts. The Ministers’ Deputies have already approved a new structure for the intergovernmental committees as well as crucial changes to the structure of the Secretariat. Both transformations were introduced with the aim of streamlining the work of our Organisation and making it more efficient.

Let me turn more specifically to the priorities of the Ukrainian chairmanship. The protection of children’s rights tops our list and we have already started working in this field. On 24 and 25 May, Ukraine organised an international conference in Kyiv. More than 150 high-level experts participated in the event, which provided the member states with an opportunity to collect and exchange good practices in the implementation of integrated national strategies to safeguard children’s rights and eliminate violence against children. It also produced a number of highly practical recommendations addressed to local, national and international players. During our chairmanship, we will also organise some other events focusing particularly on health care for children. We will play an active part in starting a consultation process to prepare a new Council of Europe strategy on the rights of the child for 2012 to 2015.

As you may know, our second priority area is the promotion of human rights and the rule of law in the context of democracy and stability in Europe. In a declaration issued by me and Mr Davutoğlu, the outgoing Chairman of the Committee of Ministers, at the end of the ministerial session held in Istanbul on 11 May this year, we pointed out that there could be no lasting peace and stability in our countries without respect for the values that are the foundation of the Council of Europe. In order to help achieve this vital objective, my country intends to emphasise the prevention of human rights violations and the role of higher courts in the protection of human rights.

The strengthening of democratic processes at local and regional levels in Europe is the third and the last of the Ukrainian chairmanship’s main priorities. Here, preparations are well under way for a key event – the 17th session of the Council of Europe Conference of Ministers responsible for Local and Regional Government, to be held in Kyiv this November.

The recent ministerial session in Istanbul was a landmark event for our Organisation. The agenda for the session included a number of subjects that I know are of particular interest to the Assembly. The first was the future of the European Convention for the Protection of Human Rights and Fundamental Freedoms. Undoubtedly, the Strasbourg Court is a vital part of the human rights protection system in Europe. Its reform is a difficult endeavour but we all need to contribute to it.

In Istanbul, the Committee of Ministers welcomed the first measures taken by the Court to change its procedures in the light of the new provisions of the Convention as amended by Protocol No. 14. However, the Committee of Ministers also noted that that would not solve all the problems facing the Convention system.

The Committee of Ministers endorsed the declaration and follow-up plan adopted at the high-level conference on the future of the Court, which took place in Izmir at the end of April. It expressed its determination to give priority to implementing these documents and instructed its Deputies to make the necessary decisions to this end. The subject will continue to be given priority on the political schedule of the Committee of Ministers until its next session in May 2012. At that session, it will consider whether additional measures are required, inter alia, through possible amendments to the Convention in order to guarantee the long-term effectiveness of the supervisory mechanism of the European Convention on Human Rights.

Another important issue for all of us is accession by the European Union to the European Convention on Human Rights. The Ministers’ Deputies extended to 31 December 2011 the ad hoc terms of reference given to the Steering Committee for Human Rights with a view to preparation of a legal instrument setting out the arrangements for European Union accession to the Convention. At the same time, they pointed to the importance of finishing this work as soon as possible. The Ukrainian chairmanship will follow this question attentively, and is ready to provide assistance as this major effort is brought to fruition.

The European Union and the Council of Europe have always maintained a long-standing and strategic partnership in promoting shared values of democracy, the rule of law and respect for human rights and fundamental freedoms. I therefore look forward to having a productive discussion with the European Commission’s Vice-President, Baroness Ashton, in the first days of July on these issues.

The report by the Group of Eminent Persons entitled “‘Living Together’: Combining diversity and freedom in 21st-century”, was another highlight of our recent ministerial session. That report, which advocates the values of respect and mutual understanding as responses to the growing intolerance in our societies, was the subject of rich and lively debate at an informal dinner on the evening before the session. I am sure that your debate on this issue will be very informative for, as elected representatives in your constituencies, you deal daily with the complex and sensitive issues raised in the report. Your conclusions will fuel the debate at the level of Ministers’ Deputies, who are to hold an initial discussion next week on the action to be taken to follow up on the report.

The third major issue on the agenda for the ministerial session was the Council of Europe’s neighbourhood policy. That, of course, was a topical and particularly important matter in light of the upheavals caused since the beginning of the year by the new democratic movements in north Africa and the Middle East. In that context, the Committee of Ministers took note of the Secretary General’s proposals to strengthen relations with the immediate European neighbourhood on the basis of the values of human rights, democracy and the rule of law. The Secretary General was invited to develop action plans for the implementation of that policy with a view to their approval by the Committee of Ministers. Clearly, that is an area in which close links should be maintained with your Assembly, particularly bearing in mind the discussions that you will have on this issue in the next few days, including on the request for “partner of democracy” status submitted by the Parliament of Morocco.

Other major political issues will also be given full attention by the Committee of Ministers over the months ahead. The first that I should like to mention concerns Belarus, a subject on which the Parliamentary Assembly and the Committee of Ministers think alike. Both agree that support should continue to be given to a rapprochement between the Council of Europe and Belarus, but – it is a big “but” – that engagement can evolve only on the basis of respect for European values and principles. The first criterion to be met by Belarus is the release of persons detained following the December 2010 events.

Like the Parliamentary Assembly, the Committee of Ministers has been endeavouring since last spring to give greater support to civil society in Belarus. It is important for us to continue working together so as to enable the people of Belarus to benefit from closer relations with the Council of Europe. Ukraine stands ready to offer its good services and facilitate contacts with the authorities in Belarus. In our national capacity, we put an emphasis on quiet diplomacy, sparing no effort to convince the leadership of that country to get back on the democratic track.

As regards the Transnistrian issue, the Council of Europe is implementing a number of projects to increase the confidence between the communities living on the two banks of the Dniester River through activities in the areas of the media, higher education and the development of civil society. In February 2011, the Committee of Ministers approved proposals for new activities, which include, in addition to the three areas already mentioned, activities to be conducted with human rights protection institutions.

Ukraine, as a mediator and guarantor in the Transnistrian conflict settlement within the framework of the existing “5 + 2” format, will actively promote implementation of the Council of Europe programmes on Moldova concerning confidence-building measures between Chişinău and Tiraspol.

The lack of real progress in forming a central state for Bosnia and Herzegovina unfortunately reminds us that more efforts are needed to ensure that the country sets up effective and credible democratic institutions, and continues to implement urgent reforms. Last month, the political situation in Bosnia and Herzegovina was the subject of a highly instructive exchange of views between the Rapporteur Group on Democracy, the High Representative for Bosnia and Herzegovina, the European Union’s special representative, and the head of the Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe to Bosnia and Herzegovina.

In the context of supervision of the execution of the judgment delivered by the European Court of Human Rights in the case of Sejdić and Finci, the Committee of Ministers yet again had to express regret that no political consensus had been found on the substance of the constitutional and legislative amendments necessary for the execution of the judgment, despite repeated calls for that to be done having been made by the committee for more than a year.

Those are just the main areas of work currently on the agenda of the Committee of Ministers, in respect of which the Ukrainian chairmanship, with the support of all the member states, intends to achieve tangible results. To that end, we strive to maintain a constructive dialogue with your Assembly over the period that lies ahead. Thank you for your attention. I am at your disposal if you have any questions.

Dear Guy Fawkes this is how you blow up the Houses of Parliament...

Dear Guy Fawkes this is how you blow up the Houses of Parliament...

Email from myself to the House of Commons Information Office

Hi

I am not sure who or which body will hear this case, nevertheless I intend to proceed on the basis of the pre action protocol by informing you of my intentions.

1. The Parliamentary Assembly recalls that Council of Europe member states are responsible for the effective implementation of international human rights norms they have signed up to, in particular those of the European Convention on Human Rights (ETS No. 5) (hereafter "the Convention"). This obligation concerns all state organs, whether executive, judicial or legislative.

It is contended in relation to Hirst v UK (No2) that all 3 arms of the State have failed in their obligations as stated in 1 above.

I am aware of Article 1X of the Bill of Rights 1689 "That the freedom of speech and debates or proceedings in Parliament ought not to be impeached or questioned in any court or place out of Parliament", however, I contend that this, "questioned in any court or place out of Parliament", is not only unconstitutional but also incompatible with the Human Rights Act 1998; relying upon Article 10 of the European Convention. If the High Court of Parliament is still in operation and is prepared to hear my petition then the questioning may be kept in house. However, then there is the problem of the principle of natural justice and being a judge in your own cause.

Daniel Hannan MEP recently asked the question Does Parliament have the courage to defy John Hirst?

I would contend that it is not wise for Goliath to challenge David.

As it stands it is contended that I am denied the human right of an effective remedy under Article 13 of the European Convention. This Article was not incorporated into the HRA 1998, and it is contended that this is a breach of my human rights under the Convention and that the HRA is not Convention compliant. This means that my human rights guaranteed under the Convention are mere empty words unless they can be enforced and become a reality. It is contended that because Article 1 was not incorporated into the HRA I am deprived of my human rights and therefore the HRA is not Convention compliant.

It is contended that the UK is not in harmony with the 3 objectives of the Council of Europe; Human Rights, Democracy and Rule of Law. It is contended that the problem is the outdated concept of the Supremacy of Parliament. This does not sit well with the European law principle of subsidiarity. It is contended that human rights is higher law, and that the concept of the Sovereignty of the People makes redundant the Supremacy of Parliament. Furthermore, the fusion of powers in the UK goes against the doctrine of the Separation of Powers which the Council of Europe insists must operate in Member States.

It may well be that the UK is too backward a country to deal with the issues raised here, and that the relevant authority has to seek a ruling from the European Court of Human Rights and/or Court of Justice of the European Union.

Please treat this as a letter before action, rather than dismiss it as the ramblings of a crank.

I look forward to your response.

Yours sincerely

John Hirst

Related content

Hirst v Parliament, Executive and Judiciary

PACE Calls for More Active Role of National Parliaments

Hirst v Parliament, Executive and Judiciary

Hirst v Parliament, Executive and Judiciary

Article 1X of the Bill of Rights 1689

"That the freedom of speech and debates or proceedings in Parliament ought not to be impeached or questioned in any court or place out of Parliament"
.

I would argue that this, "questioned in any court or place out of Parliament", is not only unconstitutional but also incompatible with the Human Rights Act 1998; relying upon Article 10 of the European Convention.

Armed Response Unit looks on as Dominic Grieve shoots himself in foot!

Armed Response Unit looks on as Dominic Grieve shoots himself in foot!



The Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe (PACE) has passed Resolution no. 1823 (2011).

National parliaments: guarantors of human rights in Europe

1. The Parliamentary Assembly recalls that Council of Europe member states are responsible for the effective implementation of international human rights norms they have signed up to, in particular those of the European Convention on Human Rights (ETS No. 5) (hereafter "the Convention"). This obligation concerns all state organs, whether executive, judicial or legislative.

2. National parliaments are often overlooked in this context. Their potential needs to be further explored. They are key to the effective implementation of international human rights norms at national level and fulfil their duty to protect human rights through legislating (including the vetting of draft legislation), involvement in the ratification of international human rights treaties, holding the executive to account, liaising with national human rights institutions and fostering the creation of a pervasive human rights culture.

3. The members of the Assembly, having a double mandate – as members of the Assembly and of their respective national parliaments – are under a particular duty to contribute to such action.

4. The Assembly notes that the United Nations “Paris Principles” of 1993 have become the internationally accepted benchmark for core minimum standards for the role and functioning of independent national human rights institutions; similar benchmarks should be drawn up for parliamentary bodies.

5. With respect to the implementation of judgments of the European Court of Human Rights (hereafter "the Court"), the Assembly:

5.1. believes that national parliaments are uniquely placed to hold the governments to account for swift and effective implementation of the Court’s judgments, as well as to swiftly adopt the necessary legislative amendments;

5.2. regrets that the post-Interlaken debate on the future of the Convention system does not sufficiently take into account the potentially important role of parliaments and deplores the silence of the Izmir Declaration in this respect;

5.3. points to the positive examples in several member states, notably the United Kingdom, the Netherlands, Germany, Finland and Romania, which have set up parliamentary structures to monitor the implementation of the Court’s judgments.

6. Furthermore, the Assembly:

6.1. encourages parliamentarians to monitor the determination and enforcement of human rights standards by the domestic judicial and administrative authorities;

6.2. urges parliamentarians to exercise their responsibility to carefully scrutinise the executive in their countries when it comes to the implementation of, in particular, international human rights norms;

6.3. calls on governments to involve national parliaments in the negotiation process of international human rights agreements and in the process of implementation of judgements of the European Court of Human Rights;

6.4. calls on all member states to provide for adequate parliamentary procedures to systematically verify the compatibility of draft legislation with Convention standards and avoid future violations of the Convention, including regular monitoring of all judgments which could potentially affect the respective legal orders;

6.5. urges parliaments to step up their efforts in contributing to the supervision of the Court’s judgments by overseeing steps taken by the competent authorities to execute adverse judgments, including scrutiny of the actual measures taken;

6.6. calls on parliaments to set up and/or to reinforce structures that would permit the mainstreaming and rigorous supervision of their international human rights obligations, on the basis of the principles below.

7. The Assembly therefore invites parliaments to implement the following basic principles for parliamentary supervision of international human rights standards.

Basic principles for parliamentary supervision of international human rights standards

1. Appropriate framework and responsibilities

National parliaments shall establish appropriate parliamentary structures to ensure rigorous and regular monitoring of compliance with and supervision of international human rights obligations, such as dedicated human rights committees or appropriate analogous structures, whose remits shall be clearly defined and enshrined in law.

These remits should include, inter alia:

– the systematic verification of the compatibility of draft legislation with international human rights obligations;

– the requirement for governments to regularly submit reports on relevant judgments of the European Court of Human Rights and their implementation;

– the initiation of legislative proposals and amendments to laws;

– subpoena powers over witnesses and documents concerning their remit;

Such committees shall have the responsibility to ensure that parliaments are properly advised and informed on human rights issues. Human rights training should also be provided for parliamentarians and their staff;

2. Independent advice

Human rights committees or appropriate analogous structures shall have access to independent expertise in human rights law.

Adequate resources shall also be made available to provide specialised secretariat support.

3. Co-operation with other institutions and civil society

Co-operation and regular dialogue shall be maintained, as appropriate, with relevant national (for example, national human rights institutions, parliamentary commissioners), and international bodies (for example, the Parliamentary Assembly, the Council of Europe Commissioner for Human Rights, European and other international human rights monitoring bodies), as well as with representatives of well-established non-governmental organisations which have significant and relevant experience.

1 Assembly debate on 23 June 2011 (25th Sitting) (see Doc. 12636, report of the Committee on Legal Affairs and Human Rights, rapporteur: Mr Pourgourides). Text adopted by the Assembly on 23 June 2011 (25th Sitting).



23 June 2011

Attorney General Dominic Grieve QC MP

Short speech to the Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe, Strasbourg.

The state of human rights in Europe

US Supreme Court offers no remedy for torture victims!

US Supreme Court offers no remedy for torture victims!

US Supreme Court Refuses To Allow Abu Ghraib Torture Victims To Sue Military Contractors – OpEd

Written by: Andy Worthington

June 29, 2011


With what can only come across as cynical timing, the US Supreme Court on Monday, the day after the UN International Day in Support of the Victims of Torture, declined without comment to take up a lawsuit filed on behalf of 250 Iraqis — formerly prisoners at the notorious Abu Ghraib prison near Baghdad, home of the most significant scandal in the Bush administration’s “War on Terror,” which surfaced in April 2004 with the publication of photos showing the torture and abuse of Iraqi prisoners in US custody at the prison. The prisoners were seeking to hold Titan Corporation, which provided Arabic translation services, and CACI International, which provided interrogators, accountable for their role in the torture and abuse of prisoners at Abu Ghraib in 2003 and 2004.

Tuesday, June 28, 2011

English prison business yes, exploitation of prisoners no!

English prison business yes, exploitation of prisoners no!

I am not against prisoners working, but I am against them being paid less than at least the NMW, and against prisoners being exploited.

You're hired: Convicted bank robber becomes first prisoner with paid apprenticeship

I have sent the following email to Gelder & Co

Hi

As part of the pre action protocol, I am letting you know that I intend to mount a legal challenge in relation to the following:
http://www.dailymail.co.uk/news/article-2008676/Reuben-Reynolds-Convicted-bank-robber-gets-1st-paid-apprenticeship-trainee-builder.html?ito=feeds-newsxml

I am a Human Rights Defender and prisoners rights activist.

Whilst I applaud you for giving a serving prisoner this opportunity of work and going straight, I am concerned about the dangers of prisoners being exploited and this includes their not being paid at least the NMW.

Initial advice suggests seeking a declaration.

Any proposed legal action would be against yourselves, the prison Governor, and the Secretary of State for Justice.

I look forward to your response.

I will copy to the Treasury Solicitor.

Yours sincerely

John Hirst
Legal, political and media adviser to the Association of Prisoners.

Sunday, June 26, 2011

Billy the Kid portrait sold for £1.4m

Billy the Kid portrait sold for £1.4m

PA

Sunday, 26 June 2011


The picture was last displayed publicly in a museum in Lincoln, New Mexico, in the mid-1980s Photo: AFP

What is believed to be the only surviving, authenticated portrait of Billy the Kid fetched more than 2.3 million dollars (£1.4m) at auction in Denver, Colorado.

The tintype went to private collector William Koch at Brian Lebel's 22nd Annual Old West Show & Auction, where auction spokeswoman Melissa McCracken said the image of the 1800s outlaw was the most expensive piece sold at the event

A 15% fee was tacked on to the bidding price, making the actual selling price more than 2.6 million dollars (£1.6m).

Organisers had expected it to fetch between 300,000 and 400,000 dollars (£188,000-£251,000) .

The tintype is believed to have been taken in 1879 or 1880 in Fort Sumner, New Mexico.

It shows the outlaw dressed in a rumpled hat and layers of clothes, including a bulky sweater. He is standing with one hand resting on a Winchester carbine on his right side and a Colt revolver holstered on his left side.

Tintypes were an early form of photography that used metal plates. They are reverse images, and the Billy the Kid tintype led to the mistaken belief that the Kid was a lefty. The myth inspired the 1958 movie The Left Handed Gun, starring Paul Newman as Billy.

Billy the Kid gave the image to a friend, Dan Dedrick, and the tintype has been owned by his descendants, the Upham family, ever since. It has only been publicly displayed during the 1980s at a museum in Lincoln County, New Mexico.

Ms McCracken said it was recognisable around the world as a classic image of the Old West.

"There's only one photo of Billy the Kid and I think that's why it captivates people's imagination," she said before the auction.

The tintype was sold along with more than 400 other Western-themed items, including documents from Buffalo Bill's aborted divorce, Native American antiquities, and a painting from Andy Warhol's Cowboys and Indians series depicting a Navajo woman with a baby on her back.

Prisoners receive £10m in payouts

Prisoners receive £10m in payouts

By Wesley Johnson, PA

Sunday, 26 June 2011




Prisoners have won more than £10 million in compensation over the last five years, figures show.

A total of £10,125,845 was handed to inmates who claimed they suffered harm inside the prison system in the last five financial years.

Two payments to prisoners of more than £100,000 have been made in the last year alone as part of almost £1.6 million in settled claims, figures released to the Press Association under freedom of information laws showed.

But the £1,575,032 paid out in 2010/11 was less than half the £3,286,521 handed out in 2009/10, when the total was boosted by £1.6 million in payouts for medical negligence cases alone.

The Ministry of Justice figures showed the highest payout last year was £125,000, followed by payments of £100,000, £95,000 and £62,867 - all for personal injury cases.

Three prisoners were also given £25,000 each for "false imprisonment".A further 280 offenders won payouts of less than £10,000, with many of the smaller claims relating to delays in processing release papers, which can lead to prisoners spending too long behind bars.

The figures showed that a total of £1,669,312 was paid out in 2008/09, £1,452,309 in 2007/08 and £2,142,671 in 2006/07.

A Ministry of Justice spokesman said: "The vast majority of prisoners' compensation claims are relatively trivial, do not merit financial redress, and are dismissed at an early stage.

"All claims are robustly defended, and would only be settled on the basis of strong legal advice, and in order to seek the best value for the taxpayer.

"Compensation would then be determined following judicial guidelines and a full analysis of the available evidence."

One of the largest compensation payments to date was a £2.8 million settlement in 2005/06.

At the time, the Government would not comment on reports that the out-of-court settlement was made to an inmate who required long-term medical care because of self-harm committed in jail.In a separate case, £1.14 million, went to former prisoner Gregg Marston, of Shoeburyness, Essex, who was left crippled when a doctor failed to send him for an urgent examination.

His case, which was settled out of court, centred on his treatment at Chelmsford jail in Essex in February 2000.

He was taken there after failing to appear at court for driving offences committed in breach of the terms of his release from a four-year sentence for burglary.

Marston complained of back pain when he arrived at the jail but was not referred to hospital until the next day.

As part of his legal action, a consultant in spinal injuries told the Prison Service that, if Marston had been referred a day earlier, he might have undergone surgery to save the use of his legs.

British bullshit is the best in the world!

British bullshit is the best in the world!

I signed up for Google Alerts in relation to the "Latest news on prisoners votes". Many of the alerts are not about this subject, however, within the articles appears perhaps one sentence on the subject as though a stick with which to beat the Coalition. For example:

"As a matter of justice, is this worse than the Coalition failing to oppose the European Court of Human Rights judgement on prisoners voting because the Conservative Party cannot face their Liberal Democrat partners?".

Slugger O' Toole refers to the failing of the Coalition, but then fails to provide a remedy or solution to the issue. Any fool can criticise. The fact is that the previous administration attempted to oppose the Hirst v UK (No2) judgment for 5 years before the Coalition's failure. Could it just be the fact that under the Convention the Court decision is final and as such it does not permit for any State opposition to this authority?

Prior to the above quote from Slugger O' Toole there is this offering:

"We have ended up with all these pseudo-consultations and Government-rigged reviews (see the membership of the recent UK Bill of Rights Commission) because of unstable Coalition arrangements, relating to in-fighting between Liberal Democrats and Conservatives. The ‘national interest’ and democracy have been discarded for now".

On 9 and 16 June 2011, in the House of Commons, the Political and Constitutional Reform Committee took oral evidence from some of the members of the UK Bill of Rights Commission. Given the very poor performance of Dr Michael Pinto-Duschinsky the last time he gave oral evidence, it is understandable that this time he made excuses for his unavailability on both these dates and instead submitted so-called "written evidence".

Every 6 months in rotation a Member State of the Council of Europe takes over the Chairmanship of the Committee of Ministers. Recently Ukraine took over from Turkey and the next in line is the UK. Given this I was rather bemused when Lord Lester erred by referring to this term of office as "the British Presidency".

However, in spite of this gaffe, Lord Lester did hit upon an aspect which tends to be ignored in the UK: "That will be an important and difficult exercise because of the time factor and because it is an issue where one has to look at the problems through European as well as UK spectacles".

Nevertheless, in my view, Lord Lester appears to be looking through English Rose tinted spectacles! For example, he refers to both the Interlaken Conference and Izmir Conference in relation to the reform of the ECtHR, but ignores that Member States are primarily responsible for implementing the Court's decisions. Many of the 150,000 backlog of cases are repeat applications because Member States have chosen to ignore the Court's decisions. Since Hirst v UK (No2) there are now 3,500 more cases from prisoners in the UK seeking their human right to the vote!

Moreover, it would appear that his tinted glasses are so dark that he cannot see the Human Rights Act 1998 properly. Lord Lester states: "I regard the Human Rights Act as having worked extremely well in making the English judicial point of view more influential in Strasbourg, and in reconciling parliamentary sovereignty with the need for effective domestic remedies—although it has worked well in those senses, it of course has not worked well in winning widespread political support across the three parties, the media and the wider public". Given the amount of decisions against the UK by Strasbourg, clearly the English judicial point of view does not find favour with the ECtHR. The Act is more concerned with Sovereignty of Parliament than ensuring that the courts provide effective remedies for breaches of the Convention. The Act is a fumbled compromise. For example, Lord Lester states: "What I am saying is that it depends in the end on whether you think that there should be—as article 13 of the Convention requires—effective remedies in this country, through our own political and legal system, for violations of basic rights and freedoms". As Lord Lester well knows, Articles 1 and 13 of the Convention guaranteeing all rights under the Convention apply to all citizens including effective remedies were deliberately omitted from the Act.

Friday, June 24, 2011

Restaurant blogger jailed for criticising salty noodles

Restaurant blogger jailed for criticising salty noodles

A court in Taiwan has jailed a woman for 30 days after she complained her noodles were "too salty".




The Taiwanese woman, who has only been named as Mrs Liu, enraged the owner of the Sichuan Flavour Beef Noodle Restaurant in the central city of Taichung after posting a negative review on the internet.

Mrs Liu, who has a wide-ranging but relatively little-read blog covering food and interior design, visited the restaurant in 2008.

She complained that the food was "too salty", that there were cockroaches, and that the owner was a "bully", according to the Taipei Times.

Beef noodle soup is one of Taiwan's most popular national dishes, and restaurants are judged mercilessly on the fragrance and quality of their offering.

After learning about the negative review from a customer, the restaurant sued Mrs Liu for defamation.

The high court in Taichung decided that Mrs Liu had been within her rights to comment on the cockroaches, since this was a "narration of the facts".

However, the judge ruled that since she had only eaten one dish of fried noodles, she was unqualified to pass judgement on the seasoning of the rest of the restaurant's menu.

Mrs Liu was sentenced to 30 days in jail, a further two years of probation, and ordered to pay £4,300 in compensation to the restaurant for the damage she had caused. She was also told to apologise and refused the right to appeal.

The owner of the restaurant, named as Mr Yang, said he hoped the case would teach her a lesson. Huang Cheng-lee, a lawyer in Taichung, said restaurant reviewers should remember to be "truthful, objective and fair".

Robber holds up bank for just one dollar

Robber holds up bank for just one dollar

A former Coca-Cola truck driver who claims he has never been in trouble with the law, has robbed a bank for just $1 to receive free healthcare while in prison.

James Richard Verone, who is charged with the $1 robbery of a RBC Bank in North Carolina, has never been in trouble with the law before.

Mr Verone, who was unemployed and facing several health problems, walked into the bank and handed the bank teller a note that read: This is a bank robbery. Please give me $1.

He then sat in the bank waiting for the police to arrive.

The 59-year-old, who had no health insurance, has a growth on his chest, two ruptured disks and a problem with his left foot, said he committed the robbery because he believed prison was the best place he could go to for medical attention.

"I'm sort of a logical person and that was my logic. That is what I came up with," he said.

"I wanted to make it known that this wasn't for monetary reasons but for medical reasons."

Mr Verone, who did not use a weapon during his robbery, said he hopes he is sentenced to three years in prison so he continues receiving healthcare.

"If it is called manipulation, then out of necessity because I need medical care, I guess I am manipulating the courts to get medical care."

A convicted killer can vote so why can't I?

A convicted killer can vote so why can't I?

Friday June 24 2011

Why should an Irish murderer be able to cast a postal vote from Portlaoise prison in the upcoming presidential election when I am prohibited from doing the exact same thing from California?

It is ironic that Irish prisoners have more voting rights than law-abiding Irish ex-patriots.

But here in the United States, the voting system operates in just the opposite manner. Every American state (except Maine and Vermont) prohibits its prisoners from voting, whereas law-abiding US citizens residing abroad are entitled to cast a postal ballot in US presidential elections.

The Irish government should emulate the wisdom of the federal and state governments in the United States and get its priorities straight.

It should disenfranchise its prisoners and enfranchise its ex-patriots.

kevin james o'mahony
san jose, california


Irish Independent

Thursday, June 23, 2011

Elliot Morley upset that even the cats shun him!

Elliot Morley upset that even the cats shun him!

I little birdie just informed me that A7234CD Elliot Morley has written a letter from Ford open prison, a Cat D establishment.



Larry the Number Ten cat

He writes: "There are 4 working cats here. I tried to befriend them but they were not friendly". He goes onto say one is nick named Near Miss because of the amount of times it has nearly been run over crossing the road which goes through the prison.

He states he is working on the garden party. (Sounds like Fletcher in Porrige). He goes onto say about staff and inmates "Everybody's friendly, not like Wandsworth!".

On Evening Classes he is studying Adult Literacy. (I would have thought that bookkeeping and accountancy more appropriate).

He was visited by his wife Pat last week.

In the House of Commons I note that MPs refer to their fallen comrades as "Our former friend". Could it be that Larry has spoken to the Ford open prison cats and suggested that Elliot Morley is personnoncata?

At least he is not facing the Big Cats in The Circus!

Susan Bor, Sir Fred Goodwin's mistress, appeals against High Court decision

Susan Bor, Sir Fred Goodwin's mistress, appeals against High Court decision



Susan Bor is RBS’s director of group resourcing

Sir Fred Goodwin colleague appeals decision

PA
Thursday, 23 June 2011


Lawyers representing the work colleague with whom former Royal Bank of Scotland chief Sir Fred Goodwin had an affair has filed an appeal against a High Court judge's decision that although the media must not identify her by name they could give her job description.

The papers were filed with the Court of Appeal registry shortly before the 4pm deadline for registering an appeal.

Mr Justice Tugendhat held on June 9 that while the woman - known as VBN - must remain anonymous, the media could disclose her "job description".

Her lawyers argue that as she is the only person holding that job at the Royal Bank of Scotland, formerly headed by Sir Fred, giving the job description will automatically enable people to identify her.

The judge made his decision following an application by News Group Newspapers, publisher of the Sun and the News of the World, for a variation in a gagging injunction.

Mr Justice Tugendhat said the purpose of the injunction "is not to keep a secret but to prevent intrusion and distress".

He said VBN's evidence was that she was a private person, with a family, and that publishing her name would be a very serious intrusion into her private and family life.

He had also inferred from Sir Fred's evidence that he was content that the court should proceed on the basis that he did have a relationship with VBN, as alleged by The Sun, and had not told any friends or colleagues who would view it with serious disapproval.

Mr Justice Tugendhat said publication of VBN's name would be a significant intrusion into her private and family life, from which she was entitled to be protected.

But, while publication of her job description would lead many people to identify her, and would also be an intrusion into her private and family life, the information was an "important feature" of the story.

Also, as her evidence made clear, her name had already become known to some of her acquaintances, in some cases by reason of publications outside the press and broadcast media.

The additional publication likely to follow from publication of her role was not likely to be so great a further intrusion into her private life as to make it necessary and proportionate to interfere with the News Group Newspapers' right to freedom of expression.

On the public interest issue, the judge said there should be public discussion of the circumstances in which it was proper for a chief executive - or other person holding public office or exercising official functions - to carry on a sexual relationship with an employee in the same organisation.

But he was satisfied that Sir Fred or VBN would be likely to establish that any trial judge should make no finding of any breach of the RBS Group Code of Conduct on Integrity Matters (the RBS Code) - there was no evidence in court of such a breach - assuming that the question was a matter for the court to decide.

He was also satisfied that Sir Fred or VBN would be likely to defeat any case News Group Newspapers might make to the effect that the relationship had an impact on the financial difficulties of RBS.

Court rules against release of two elected MPs

Court rules against release of two elected MPs

ANKARA – Hürriyet Daily News

Prof. Mehmet Haberal (L) and journalist Mubtafa Balbay will remain in prison although they were elected deputies in the general elections on June 12. DAILY NEWS photo, Selahattin SÖNMEZ

An Istanbul court has ruled to prevent the release of two prisoners who were elected to Parliament earlier this month, prompting their party, Turkey’s main opposition, to issue harsh criticism of the decision and convene an emergency meeting.

The meeting, convened by the Republican People’s Party, or CHP, chief Kemal Kılıçdaroğlu immediately after the court decision to prohibit journalist Mustafa Balbay and Professor Mehmet Haberal’s release, was still continuing as the Hürriyet Daily News went to press, but the party’s initial reaction was withering.

“We are a large party; we will not be left helpless. We will take the necessary steps to ensure their release,” deputy leader Gürsel Tekin said.

Balbay and Haberal are in prison on charges of allegedly being part of the Ergenekon plot to overthrow Turkey’s government.

Lawyers for the pair applied for their release in line with a precedent dating back to 2007 when detained Kurdish politician Sebahat Tuncel was freed after she won a parliamentary seat even as her trial continued.

Balbay’s lawyer said they would appeal the decision in a higher court.

The court ruled that there was “no legal ground for their demands for release,” justifying the decision by saying that not all the evidence in the case had been collected, that a strong suspicion of crime continued and that some suspects had not yet provided a full defense.

The deputy parliamentary group leader of the Justice and Development Party, or AKP, Bekir Bozdağ, said they had heard the news but had not had time to assess the situation.

CHP deputy leader Engin Altay described the decision as “a disrespect toward citizens” and “legal singularity.”

“This is a scandal. There is such thing as trial without arrest. It is not possible to understand who these judges are serving. No one can be above the citizens….This is a blow to Parliament and to democracy. We will take the necessary legal steps,” he said.

Meanwhile, a decision on the Nationalist Movement Party, or MHP’s, newly elected deputy, Engin Alan, who is an incarcerated suspect in the “Balyoz” (Sledgehammer) military plot to topple the AKP was still pending at another Istanbul court when the Daily News went to press Thursday.

“These internationally respected people with no risk of escaping were elected by the people without any legal obstacles, and banning them from Parliament will result in very serious and irreparable damages. The people of Turkey voted, they wanted these people in Parliament. The decision is not right, and must be reviewed, said CHP Zonguldak Deputy Ali İhsan Köktürk.

The decision was taken with majority of votes by the three-member 13th Istanbul High Criminal Court, with the court chief objecting the decision while the other two voting against the release of the two deputies.

Istanbul Bar Association head Ümit Kocasakal said the decision was technically wrong.

“Those who speak of the will of the people are saying this decision regarding deputies elected by the people should be respected. I do not understand the stance of these people who, before, would use any opportunity to lash out at the judiciary. The court has to explain its decision,” he said.

Lawyer Kezban Hatemi, speaking to NTV, said the decision was constitutionally correct. “The laws state that someone who stood trial on the crime of planning a coup cannot be a deputy, even if they are pardoned for their crimes. Therefore, the judiciary process must be accelerated, and the Ergenekon and Sledgehammer cases must be finalized,” she said.

Kenneth Clarke statement and MPs responses

Kenneth Clarke statement and MPs responses

21 Jun 2011 : Column 165

Sentencing Reform/Legal Aid

3.32 pm


The Lord Chancellor and Secretary of State for Justice (Mr Kenneth Clarke): With permission, Mr Speaker, and further to the written ministerial statement I laid in the House earlier today, I would like to make a statement.

Last autumn, the Government launched two consultations on far-reaching plans to reform punishment, rehabilitation and sentencing of offenders, and on legal aid in England and Wales. Today I have laid before Parliament the Government’s responses to those consultations. I will also introduce the Legal Aid, Sentencing and Punishment of Offenders Bill to give effect to the measures we are taking forward that require primary legislation.

Protecting the public from crime and punishing lawbreakers are the most fundamental responsibilities of the state towards its citizens. The sad truth is that after 13 years of Government, over 20 criminal justice Bills, more than 3,000 new criminal offences and an explosion in the prison population, Labour left the system in crisis. Most of our prisoners spend their time behind bars idling in their cells, with ready access to drugs. A bigger scandal still is our reoffending rates, which are straightforwardly dreadful. Within a year of leaving jail, half of offenders will have been reconvicted of further offences. The same people cycle round the system endlessly, committing more crimes against more victims. The best way to reduce crime is to reduce reoffending, and that remains the central feature of our programme of radical reforms.

Prisons must be places of both punishment and reform. Today I can confirm that we plan to deliver a full working week across the prison estate. We will legislate to extend powers to use money earned by prisoners to support victims. We have never proposed that community sentences should replace prison sentences, but we will introduce tougher, properly enforced community punishments whereby offenders work longer hours, unpaid, at least four days a week.

Drug abuse lies behind much, if not most, criminality in this country. It is not acceptable that drugs are too readily available in prison. We are taking forward plans to reduce addiction across the prison estate by improving security and introducing drug-free wings in jails. We must tackle other root causes of criminality, particularly alcohol addiction, mental illness and a lack of skills, but we will ensure that we put taxpayers’ money only into rehabilitation programmes that actually work.

Public confidence in the criminal justice system is unacceptably low. That is why we want to take forward plans for a new offence, with a mandatory minimum prison sentence of six months, for adults who use a knife to threaten and endanger. We will also consult on proposals to criminalise squatting, and we will bring forward legislation to clarify the law on self-defence. In addition, I can confirm our intention to improve the use of remand and reduce the number of foreign national prisoners in our jails.

Discounts for early guilty pleas have been part of the criminal justice system for decades, for good reason, and we consulted on changes to that system. Personally, I was particularly impressed by the representations of the senior judiciary and other criminal justice experts

21 Jun 2011 : Column 166

who said that increasing the maximum discount on offer for a guilty plea at the earliest possible stage might result in the sentence served being too short in some serious cases. I was hoping to address that problem, and I considered doing so by introducing a greater degree of judicial discretion, but we could not make that work. We have therefore decided to retain the present system.

The consultation also produced strong opposition to the indeterminate sentencing framework. It was introduced by the last Government and sold as a way of protecting the public from a small number of the most dangerous offenders, but it has never worked as Parliament intended. It has created a flawed system in which thousands of offenders have already served their normal sentence or tariff, but no one can predict when or if they might ever be released. That is why, as the Prime Minister confirmed this morning, we are reviewing so-called indeterminate sentences of imprisonment for public protection, with a view to replacing them with a more sensible, tough system of long, determinate sentences. That will see judges handing down life sentences in a greater number of very serious cases, including mandatory life sentences for the most serious repeat offenders. Serious sexual and violent offenders will spend at least two thirds of their sentence in prison, rather than being released halfway through. We intend to return to the best aspects of the system before IPPs were introduced in 2005 by new Labour.

I turn to legal aid reform. We have much the most expensive system in the world, except for Northern Ireland, costing £39 per head of population. That compares with, for example, £8 per head in New Zealand, a country with a broadly similar legal system. The last Government consulted on the subject more than 30 times since 2006, and still left us with the mess that we now have to tackle. In some cases the system encourages people to bring issues before the courts when other solutions might be better. In others it enables people to pursue litigation that they would not contemplate were they paying for it out of their own pocket.

Following careful consideration of more than 5,000 responses, I am bringing forward proposals that I believe will ensure access to public funding in the cases that most require it, encourage early resolution of disputes instead of unnecessary conflict and ensure much better value for money for the taxpayer.

I can announce that we will retain legal aid in cases where people’s life or liberty is at stake, where they are at risk of serious physical harm or immediate loss of their home, or where their children may be taken into care. In response to consultation, that will include strengthened provision for victims of domestic violence and for children at risk of abuse or abduction, and the retention of legal aid for special educational needs cases.

Legal aid will no longer be routinely available for most private family law cases, clinical negligence, employment, immigration, some debt and housing issues, some education cases, and welfare benefits. It will also no longer be available for squatters resisting eviction.

We have also decided not to abolish, as we originally proposed, the current capital disregards for pensioners and for equity in the main home in assessing an applicant’s eligibility for legal aid. We will not now introduce a £100 contribution from capital for those assessed as having £1,000 or more disposable capital.

21 Jun 2011 : Column 167

All that amounts to a balanced and sensible package of reforms of the kind that the Government were determined to achieve when we published our proposals and started to consult on them. Our plans mean a return to common sense in the justice system. On legal aid, the overall effect will be to achieve significant savings while protecting fundamental rights of access to justice. On sentencing, we will deliver punishment, protection and a renewed focus on breaking the cycle of crime and reoffending. I look forward to debating the proposals on Second Reading and during the Bill’s subsequent stages.

Sadiq Khan (Tooting) (Lab): I thank the Justice Secretary for advance sight of his statement.

Our justice policy should be about protecting the public, punishing and reforming offenders, being on the side of the victim and bringing crime down. That underpinned our record in government, which led to a 43% fall in crime, reductions in reoffending and serious improvements in youth offending rates. However, the Government demonstrate that that is not what matters in their approach to crime and justice. Instead, it is about cutting cost, despite the impact it could have on communities across the country.

The Government have seen sense and taken heed of opposition to cost-driven proposals to reduce sentences by 50% on early guilty pleas. A coalition of victims, the judiciary, justice groups, the Sentencing Council and victims groups rightly questioned the motivation and effectiveness of that policy. Let us be clear: the policy had been agreed by the Cabinet. I asked the Justice Secretary during the Opposition day debate on sentencing whether the Prime Minister agreed with him. His response was:

“This was an entirely collectively agreed policy”.—[Official Report, 23 May 2011; Vol. 528, c. 672.]

It is therefore no good No. 10’s distancing itself from it. In oral questions last month, the Justice Secretary said that the policy would survive the consultation. Of course, some Government Members voted against our motion—although some had the sense not to—which opposed the proposal on 23 May.

Will the Justice Secretary outline why the Prime Minister ditched the proposal when the Government were so wedded to it only a matter of weeks ago? When was the decision made to change the Bill’s title from the Legal Aid and Sentencing Bill, as it was called up until late last week, to the Legal Aid, Sentencing and—I like this—Punishment of Offenders Bill? What did he hope to achieve by tinkering with the title?

We know from the impact assessment that was provided with the Green Paper that removing the option of remanding offenders in custody for certain cases could save £50 million and 1,300 prison places. I note that that proposal remains. Will the Justice Secretary outline the view of the Magistrates’ Association on the proposal and say whether he believes that the Police Federation and the Association of Chief Police Officers support the policy?

In the past 13 months, we have seen broken promises on minimum and maximum sentencing, prison building and knife crime. Today the Justice Secretary proposes a new offence of a mandatory custodial sentence for knife possession in aggravated circumstances, with a

21 Jun 2011 : Column 168

minimum sentence of six months. Even that proposal is less than that promised to the electorate in the Conservative manifesto, which stated that

“we will make it clear that anyone convicted of a knife crime can expect to face a prison sentence”.

That is still a broken promise, and tinkering with the Bill’s title will not change that.

On indeterminate sentences for public protection, I have consistently questioned the Justice Secretary on how he will ensure the safety of our communities when considering which offenders should be released and when. Again, the impact assessment helpfully tells us that financial savings will be “sizeable”. From that, it is obvious that the focus is saving money, not what is in the public’s best interests. Today we find that the Justice Secretary is to undertake an “urgent review” of IPPs with a view to replacing them. Will he explain to the House why he needs another review when he has had 13 months, a Green Paper and a consultation that he has consistently described as an opportunity to review IPPs?

How does the Justice Secretary reconcile losing thousands of front-line, experienced prison and probation staff with the desire to increase the numbers of offenders diverted into specialist drug, alcohol and mental health facilities, and how does he reconcile that with more prisoners working, because they will clearly need more supervision?

The legal aid proposals have been roundly criticised across the board as devastating social welfare law—[ Interruption. ] Has the Justice Secretary—[ Interruption. ]

Mr Speaker: Order. There was too much noise when the Secretary of State and Lord Chancellor addressed the House, and once again there is too much noise. Let me just say this to those who are making a persistent noise: stop it, or leave the Chamber, but do not for one moment suppose that making that noise you have the foggiest chance of being called to ask a question.

Sadiq Khan: I am grateful, Mr Speaker.

As I was saying a moment ago, the proposals on legal aid have been roundly criticised across the board as devastating social welfare law. Has the Justice Secretary seriously considered the alternative funding options proposed by, for example, Justice for All? Does he accept that his changes will have a huge impact on the viability of many law centres, citizens advice bureaux and high street practices up and down the country that do an enormous amount to provide access to justice for some of our most deprived citizens? The Prime Minister claims that the whole point of a Green Paper is to listen and to be ready to change one’s mind, so why have the Government made no substantive changes to their proposals on social welfare legal aid?

This morning the Prime Minister said that savings that would have been made would have been made by the 50% sentence proposals will be found elsewhere in the Ministry of Justice budget. Can the Justice Secretary explain exactly where those savings will be made and when?

We are seeing cuts to the police and cuts to prison staff and probation trusts, but where is the strategy to cut crime? The Government’s policies on crime and

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justice are a shambles. We have always known that we cannot trust the Tories on the NHS, but now it seems that we cannot trust the Tories on law and order either.

Mr Clarke: Well, first of all I can confirm what the right hon. Gentleman says: the proposals that I presented for consultation and the Green Paper were the proposals of the Prime Minister, the whole Cabinet and I, and the proposals that I am putting forward today in response to the consultation and the comments that we invited are the responses of the Prime Minister, the whole Cabinet and I. Indeed, we had a discussion at Cabinet this morning. We run a collective Government.

I remind the right hon. Gentleman that we carried him with us on our Green Paper. His reaction to what the Prime Minister and I said at the time—it is all accessible in Hansard—was that this was a

“perfectly sensible vision for a sentencing policy, entirely in keeping with the emphasis on punishment and reform that Labour followed in government”.—[Official Report, 7 December 2010; Vol. 520, c. 171.]

We carried him with us then, and I have hopes that if he looks at the consultation and listens to the arguments, we will carry him with us again. If he wants to turn and change his mind, he is free to do so.

Early guilty pleas were a genuine attempt to help victims and witnesses, who are mightily relieved if they hear that the accused decides to plead guilty. Had they worked, they would have saved a very great deal of money and time for the police service and Crown Prosecution Service, as well as for prisons. I do not know quite what the right hon. Gentleman’s view on this is, but I paid particular regard to the legal opinions that I was getting from serious members of the judiciary and others. The arithmetic just went too far in some serious cases. A week or two ago, I said that I thought the proposal would survive, because I thought that by introducing some judicial discretion, I could solve the problem, but I could not. For that reason, the Government are sticking with the present system. That is what consultation is all about.

We have consulted on our remand proposals, and we are pushing on with them. Carrying on with a system whereby people are refused bail when everybody knows they will not be sent for a custodial sentence if they are convicted at their final appearance is simply not the best use of a very expensive place in our prison system. It is cheaper to put our prisoners in the Ritz—and many of them would like to be there—but while the public prefer them to be in prison, we will keep them in prison. Nevertheless, the remand proposals are, I think, extremely sensible.

The proposal on knife possession has been made to send a message about its seriousness. I do not think that the right hon. Gentleman expressed an opinion on it, but I would advise him to support this perfectly sensible measure. On IPPs, which I have said we are minded to repeal and replace with a better version of what preceded them, I refer him to the consultation and the attacks on IPPs from sensible people. David Thomas QC, who writes the bible on sentencing so far as criminal law practitioners are concerned—his book on sentencing is the book for those practicing in the courts—described IPPs as an “unmitigated disaster”. We are carrying out

21 Jun 2011 : Column 170

a review to decide what will replace them by way of a strong system of determinate sentences that protects the public.

On legal aid, I could rapidly find a quotation from the right hon. Gentleman saying that if the Labour party was in government, it would be cutting legal aid. He has nothing to say on legal aid that challenges the case I made a moment ago. On citizens advice bureaux and other forms of general advice, I hope to be able to say something on Second Reading—I am making advances, but we will see how much we can come forward with. We think there are better ways of resolving problems, and I agree that CABs and other voluntary bodies sometimes provide better advice than adversarial lawyers.

In commenting on the probation service and other matters, the right hon. Gentleman asked where the savings are coming from. I have held protracted negotiations with the Chief Secretary to sort out my Department’s finances, in the light of some of the problems left behind. We have now resolved all those problems. Over this period we will be making £2 billion of savings a year on the total expenditure of my department, and we are looking elsewhere for another £100 million. We are not cutting any particular area but achieving efficiency, and half of that will come from administrative savings. If we have further policies to find the money we are not saving, I will come forward with them. I prefer to proceed with proper policies in joined-up writing upon which I have consulted, and got the approval of, my colleagues, and after that to come to the House. I am now considering how to ensure that the final touches to the major savings we are making in my Department can be achieved in the light of this consultation.

Sir Alan Beith (Berwick-upon-Tweed) (LD): Although the Justice Committee will continue to have concerns about the extent of the legal aid changes, may I press the Justice Secretary on sentencing? Do his Cabinet colleagues recognise that we will protect our citizens from crime not by tough talk or favourable headlines, but by appropriate sentences geared to making offenders face up to what they have done and changing their behaviour? Sometimes resources are required to do that and should not be commandeered by the prison system.

Mr Clarke: I agree with the right hon. Gentleman. Talking tough is easy and most politicians do it; delivering tough is rather difficult, as the Labour party discovered only too often. I will not use the quotes I have used before—the right hon. Gentleman knows them perfectly well. I agree that punishment is of course the right punishment for serious and violent offenders, who will keep being sent there for long sentences whenever that punishment is justified, so that they can make reparation. However, we also tackle crime by trying to reform them, getting more of them to go straight, reducing reoffending and finding other ways of stopping the accumulation of more victims and more crimes committed by people coming through the system. I think that that is accepted by my colleagues. We are giving up the remorseless and hugely expensive increases in the prison population, and looking for a more intelligent way of protecting the public, which is our principal priority.

Sir Gerald Kaufman (Manchester, Gorton) (Lab): Is the right hon. and learned Gentleman aware—he certainly should be because I have told him a number of times—of

21 Jun 2011 : Column 171

the dire effect upon my constituents of the action he has taken already in attacking citizens advice bureaux, undermining legal aid and taking the wrecking ball to the South Manchester law centre? Is he further aware that what he has announced today will complete the process of making access to justice a prerogative of the rich?

Mr Clarke: I could answer each of those three things. Most of the cuts being made to citizens advice bureaux and so on are being made by local government; we are not the principal—[ Interruption. ] The Ministry of Justice is not the principal contributor to citizens advice bureaux. However, as I have already said, the Government as a whole will assist those who give quality, worthwhile advice of the kind required by the very many people who do not need legal aid and an adversarial lawyer, which is not the best way of proceeding.

Court closures we have debated before. We inherited more than 100 underused buildings, which I am afraid we had to tackle and rationalise. Our package of legal aid reforms is tackling a system that has become bloated in recent years—a system that the right hon. Gentleman’s Government kept talking about reforming but never did, because an inability to take decisions about exactly what to do about an out-of-control Government was rather typical under the last Prime Minister. When we have finished what the right hon. Gentleman says are draconian reforms, we will still have by far the most expensive legal aid system in the world after I have made our so-called cuts.

Several hon. Members rose —

Mr Speaker: Order. In the interests of maximising the number of contributors, I appeal to hon. and right hon. Members for short questions and short answers.

Anna Soubry (Broxtowe) (Con): Does the Lord Chancellor agree that it was the last Labour Government who, having introduced IPPs, then changed the law for no other reason than to reduce the prison population? As for the thoroughly good idea that we now scrap IPPs, would we not thereby ensure that the public—the victims and, indeed, the offenders—were better protected and had greater justice?

Mr Clarke: I agree with my hon. Friend. I think that the reason why the last Government introduced IPPs was that they were reducing the time of a sentence automatically served from three quarters to a half. They introduced what sounded like a tough measure, with these new indeterminate sentences. However, it immediately went wrong, and they introduced more legislation after two years to try to reduce the numbers. I regret to say that my first effort was to go in the same direction and reduce them even more. I hope that I have my hon. Friend’s support in saying that the best thing is to get rid of them and return to a sensible system of long, determinate sentencing.

Mr George Howarth (Knowsley) (Lab): The right hon. and learned Gentleman should be aware that part of the problem with his original proposals was his failure to establish the case for community sentences as

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an alternative to prison. In his statement he refers to new, tough community sentences. Can he describe what the characteristics of a tough community sentence might be?

Mr Clarke: I never advocated—nor did the Government —the replacement, as it were, of short prison sentences with community sentences. I have some very curious opponents in sections of the media, and this was one of the bees they got in their bonnet almost as soon as we started, but we never proposed that. Community sentences need to carry public confidence so that magistrates can consider them properly as an alternative to prison in suitable cases—they do now, but more would. What I have in mind with tougher sentences is better organised sentences, so that, for example, unpaid work—which is one of the best community-based punishments that one can impose—doing genuinely worthwhile things for the community should be better organised and better disciplined. It should not have to be fitted in on the odd day over several years; it should be better organised on the day and based round a pretty normal working pattern of so many hours each week when it is under way. There are plenty of things that we can do—that and making more use of curfews and tagging—to build up public confidence in community sentences, which I am sure the right hon. Gentleman and I both agree would be a good thing to do, but which we would also agree is lacking at the moment.

Mr Edward Leigh (Gainsborough) (Con): What on earth did my right hon. and learned Friend mean when he said that he would introduce drug-free wings in jails? Does he not understand that, for the public, that is an extraordinary statement? They believe that all parts of all jails should be drug-free. To them, this sums up the irretrievably soft attitude of our entire prison system. In particular, will he protect our people—vulnerable old people—from burglars, and promise the House today that all burglars of private dwelling houses will be put in prison?

Mr Clarke: On the first point, I share my hon. Friend’s amazement, as I am sure anyone would on their first introduction to the criminal justice system. The fact is, however, that drugs are very widely available in our prisons, and 9% of people who have taken heroin say that they first did so in prison, where they were introduced to the drug. I am sorry that I have had to refer to “introducing drug-free wings”, but that is what we are proposing to do, and we are going to address the problems of security and rehabilitation in order to do it.

Of course burglary is always a serious offence. It is actually one of those that are rising at the moment, although that has nothing to do with the sentence level. It is going up rather alarmingly compared with a year ago. I regard all burglary, but particularly household burglary, as a very serious offence. In the end, however, the punishment has to fit the particular crime. I shall consider what my hon. Friend has said, but I think that there should be a limit to the number of automatic sentences according to what it says on the label. Proper sentencing should be directed towards what we both agree is the first priority—namely, the proper protection of the public.

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Fiona Mactaggart (Slough) (Lab): In view of the mistakes that the right hon. and learned Gentleman’s team have made in their policies relating to women, what risks does he see in making domestic violence a gateway to access to legal aid? Does he think that that will make people sceptical about victims’ claims of domestic violence?

Mr Clarke: We have defined domestic violence, and we are not sceptical at all. Indeed, I hope that the hon. Lady will be pleased that we have looked again at this matter and extended legal aid to cases of domestic violence more than we had originally proposed. I think that our policies towards women probably have her fairly wholehearted support. We have a particular policy towards women in prisons; indeed, we are following the policy of the previous Government and the recommendations of Lady Corston. At the moment, the number of women prisoners is going down; it is the number of adult males that is still rising slightly.

Andrea Leadsom (South Northamptonshire) (Con): Will my right hon. and learned Friend assure the House that, in spite of the proposed changes, support for children will remain, and that legal aid will be available in cases of domestic violence, child abuse, child abduction and enforced child adoption, to ensure that children do not suffer?

Mr Clarke: To give a short answer, I agree with my hon. Friend that all of those are an important priority.

Mr David Hanson (Delyn) (Lab): Just so that we can judge the Lord Chancellor’s performance, will he tell us how many fewer foreign national prisoners there will be in our jails in June 2012? Perhaps he could also tell us which new countries he expects to sign agreements with over the next 12 months. From experience, I think that he will find that that is not as easy as he thinks.

Mr Clarke: The right hon. Gentleman will be surprised to learn that there are 1,000 fewer foreign national prisoners now than there were when the previous Government left office. I agree with him that this is very difficult to achieve, although we are pursuing transfer of prisoner agreements, and the new transfer arrangements with the EU are coming into effect. We are also working with the UK Border Agency to try to improve its effectiveness in moving people promptly. We are working at this, and so far, we are doing 1,000 better than he did.

Robert Halfon (Harlow) (Con): Harlow Welfare Rights and Advice and the citizens advice bureau are deeply concerned about the proposed centralised telephone service for all but emergency cases. Can my right hon. and learned Friend assure us that that will not add an unnecessary level of impersonal bureaucracy or prevent advice from reaching vulnerable people? Will he also look into the availability of legal aid in cases of criminal negligence, so that those who have been harmed can have access to justice?

Mr Clarke: I had better refer my hon. Friend to the consultation document. He has taken up this matter in the past, and we have readdressed the question after listening to his and other people’s recommendations.

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We have defined much more closely the use of the telephone advice system and concentrated on those areas in which we think that it is of value. When he looks at our response to the consultation in detail, I think he will find that we have gone in the direction that he would have wished.

Grahame M. Morris (Easington) (Lab): I note that the Justice Secretary has said that legal aid will no longer be routinely available in clinical negligence cases. That will cause a huge problem: people will be denied justice and compensation after suffering injury or worse as a result of malpractice or clinical negligence. Will he explain his justification for that decision?

Mr Clarke: Well, 80% of clinical negligence cases are already undertaken on a no win, no fee basis. Only 20% by number are done using legal aid. That is why we think that no win, no fee is probably the better way forward, and also why we will implement Sir Rupert Jackson’s recommendations to ensure that the costs to all parties are kept down and in proportion. Far too often under the pre-Jackson rules, the health service has found itself paying out at least as much in legal costs as in compensation to victims. On the whole, negligence cases have moved steadily towards no win, no fee arrangements for those who cannot afford the fees. That gives wider access, because legal aid is restricted through a very tight means test.

Mr David Ruffley (Bury St Edmunds) (Con): Longer sentences on their own have clearly failed to cap reoffending. May I therefore urge the Lord Chancellor to press ahead with his radical and right-wing plan to get private companies into prisons to deliver serious rehabilitation which actually works?

Mr Clarke: I am grateful to my hon. Friend, with whom I agree. Of course one of the things that we should address is the cost of running prisons. We all want to address the efficiency with which prisons are run, just as much as we wish to address who is sent there and how many we can accommodate. I am glad to say that we have carried out a very successful tendering exercise and saved a lot of money, and I hope also potentially improved the regimes in those prisons. We intend to do the same thing again. Personally, I have no ideological hang-up about whether the successful bidder is a public sector or private sector bidder: we want the best bidder and the best quality regime at the lowest cost. That has to go hand in hand with sentencing reform. This is exciting, but it is also a much better way of running a prison system.

Mr Speaker: Order. May I gently and in a jocular fashion say to the Secretary of State that he should not be like a cruise ship in rotation? The House wishes to hear him. He swivels around, but it is helpful if he faces the House; I would be obliged to him if he did so.

Sheila Gilmore (Edinburgh East) (Lab): The Secretary of State has made much of his desire to have alternative dispute resolution, which he considers to be better—in family law, for example. Presumably, he is thinking of mediation. Has he made any realistic assessment of the costs and of on whom those costs would fall? Will they

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fall on individuals or will there be some cost to his Department, which might undermine the reductions he hopes to achieve in legal aid?

Mr Clarke: My apologies, Mr Speaker. Probably the problem with my political career is that I have not swivelled enough on occasions.

As far as mediation is concerned, I believe it is a much better way of resolving all kinds of family and other disputes. The taxpayer will continue to pay for mediation; indeed, the mediators will be trained lawyers. Many people will take part in a much better process of resolving disputes. We are planning to increase the amount spent on mediation by £5 million, as the Under-Secretary of State for Justice, my hon. Friend the Member for Huntingdon (Mr Djanogly) tells me, in order to make savings by reducing the amount of unnecessary adversarial litigation that we fund.

Mrs Helen Grant (Maidstone and The Weald) (Con): Does my right hon. and learned Friend agree that mediation is no panacea and that it can fail badly in family cases where there is an imbalance in power?

Mr Clarke: My hon. Friend has much greater expertise on the practice of family law than I do, so I rely on her and listen to her opinions with great attention. I have discussed these matters with her before. We have to get the balance right. At the moment, the generosity of the legal aid system compared with other systems is bringing more things into adversarial litigation than would otherwise be the case. Expansion of mediation is the better way of proceeding, and I hope that my hon. Friend will contribute her expertise to our development of the mediation system.

Lisa Nandy (Wigan) (Lab): The Secretary of State has spoken about the need for alternatives to the courts, so will he tell us what alternatives are available to victims of human rights abuses by multinationals, as in the Trafigura case, if the success fee on which many of those cases depend is no longer recoverable?

Mr Clarke: If, as I gather from her question, that case was conducted on a no win, no fee basis—I am not sure about that—as I announced a few weeks ago, such cases will become much cheaper for all parties as a result of the changes that we propose to make in the light of Sir Rupert Jackson’s recommendations. So far as legal aid is concerned, it will still be available in suitable cases concerning human rights. We are not resiling from those areas where the taxpayer needs to finance the small man against the state or the giant administration.

Tom Brake (Carshalton and Wallington) (LD): I welcome many aspects of the Justice Secretary’s announcement, including greater clarity on sentencing, measures to tackle drugs, and improvements in the original legal aid proposals. Can he confirm that the Government remain committed to restorative justice, which victims give a high satisfaction rating, to probation, which is key to the tackling of reoffending, and to the not-for-profit sector? Can he confirm that no further cuts will be made in the legal aid budget or the probation service, and that he will work hard to ensure that the not-for-profit sector receives additional funds to support its work?

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Mr Clarke: We have recommended the extension of restorative justice from the start. The more I come across it, the clearer it is to me that it is very welcome to victims and can be made very successful. We are continuing unswervingly in that regard, and intend to make more use of the system.

I agree with the hon. Gentleman about the importance of the probation service in tackling reoffending. We should perhaps try to make the probation service better where it needs improving, but we will not be able to improve reoffending rates if no one is supervising the offenders or their behaviour on licence. I have seen reports suggesting that we are going to fill the so-called gaps in our funding—which are pretty small in comparison with what we are saving overall—by cutting the probation service, but I assure the hon. Gentleman that it has not been singled out more than any other area. We are looking for efficiencies everywhere, but we are not bouncing away from one possibility in order to cut the probation service simply to save money.

Yasmin Qureshi (Bolton South East) (Lab): Will the Lord Chancellor reconsider provision for citizens advice bureaux, given that last year my local CAB dealt with 14,000 of the most disadvantaged and vulnerable people in my constituency?

Mr Clarke: Only 15% of CAB funding comes from my Department, and about 50% of CABs receive no legal aid funding at all. However, I agree with the hon. Lady about the value of good CABs. Their quality varies, but the best are very good. I am anxious for us to do what we can to strengthen CABs, as are my colleagues in other Departments: we are considering what we can do to help them across Government. I am doing my best, and we will settle on some support eventually. It will not be as much as the CABs want, but I think that we will be able to help.

Philip Davies (Shipley) (Con): I congratulate my right hon. and learned Friend on listening to the consultation and rowing back on some of the more damaging proposals. There is clearly much in the statement—although by no means all—that we can support. I understand, however, that the Government are proposing to make breaching suspended prison sentences punishable by a fine. Will my right hon. and learned Friend take this opportunity to make clear that only one punishment should be available to anyone who breaches a suspended prison sentence, namely being sent to prison?

Mr Clarke: I am grateful for the kind remarks with which my hon. Friend began his question. It seems that he agrees with a fair number of the judiciary on the proposal for a discount for early guilty pleas, and I hope that he is equally in line with the judiciary on such matters as the abolition of indeterminate sentences. We shall all begin to make some worthwhile progress on the whole field if we collaborate.

Those who breach suspended sentences are normally punished by having to serve the suspended sentence on top of any other sentence that has been imposed. However, all such cases require a little more flexibility. All that we are adding is the possibility of flexibility in some cases.

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Adding a fine might be preferable to making the total sentence far too long: it might be best to find some other way of dealing with an offender.

Parliament is, of course, entitled to specify sentences, but if we do that in too much detail we will fail to deliver justice, because we will not leave enough leeway and enough options for the judges and magistrates who sit and hear about all the facts of a particular case and all the circumstances of the offender.

Steve McCabe (Birmingham, Selly Oak) (Lab): Is the Justice Secretary now on probation, and does he anticipate time added on or early release?

Mr Clarke: I should think that I have been on probation for the past few decades. Sooner or later I will get the hang of it, but I am working at it. I am not going to launch into a description of reports in the newspapers. I am sure that most of my colleagues envy my ability to get into the headlines, but the truth is rather far away from all that.

The Prime Minister and I, and the Cabinet, have developed these policies together. We have moved along together—[Laughter.] Yes, we have. We were saying the same things about policy 12 months ago, and we are saying the same things about policy today. What matters is whether the policy actually works. These proposals will be judged on whether in three or four years’ time people can see that we have sorted out the appalling mess in the criminal justice system that we inherited from Labour.

Tony Baldry (Banbury) (Con): Reducing reoffending will require not only painstaking work in prisons, but working with reoffenders when they leave prison—actually at the prison gate and afterwards. Will my right hon. and learned Friend say a little more about the funding for that, and about how voluntary and community groups will be able to access it to support offenders when they leave prison and in the critical few weeks and months afterwards?

Mr Clarke: That is why we have proposals to improve rehabilitation and reduce reoffending by introducing a payment-by-results system. That will normally involve consortia of people coming together to rehabilitate prisoners, and payment will be based on the results they achieve. The first pilots are already in place: we have contracts in Peterborough and Doncaster, and others are about to start in Manchester and several other local authority areas. Ideally, they will involve, for example, a private sector body raising the capital with a voluntary body and a not-for-profit organisation; they can come together in a suitable consortium, first to start doing something about the offender when he is in prison and then following up on that and trying to make it far less likely that he will reoffend after he leaves prison. The payment-by-results approach to rehabilitation is one of the Government’s most significant innovations in this field, and it is making very good progress.

Yvonne Fovargue (Makerfield) (Lab): What assessment has the Secretary of State made of the availability of face-to-face welfare advice from advice agencies such as

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citizens advice bureaux and law centres in 2013 when the Welfare Reform Bill will come into effect at precisely the same time as welfare benefits are removed from scope?

Mr Clarke: I have already stated that I am not in a position today to say what we can do to support citizens advice bureaux and similar organisations providing advice in the legal field and other areas such as welfare. The Government are actively considering that, and I hope we will be in a position to make an announcement soon. Part of the problem is relevant to my field, but it extends into other areas such as welfare reform. The Government are conscious of the fact that we must do something to fill some of the unavoidable gaps that have been left at present, mainly by local authorities being forced to cut back on the grants that they can give.

Elizabeth Truss (South West Norfolk) (Con): This Government inherited the most expensive criminal justice system per capita in the world. As £100 million is being spent on administering legal aid through the Legal Services Commission, and as there are three different departments of the National Offender Management Service all doing separate kinds of commissioning—not to mention the extremely high cost per prison place—may I suggest that there are many areas where savings can be found without cutting front-line services?

Mr Clarke: We are abolishing the Legal Services Commission. One of the most frequent complaints that I get about the system is the sheer bureaucracy, and it has had serious problems in the past. The Under-Secretary, my hon. Friend the Member for Huntingdon (Mr Djanogly), tells me that we will save £8 million a year simply by bringing this in-house, as we are doing, but we intend to save quite a lot more on the administration of system than that. It is hopeless, given our prime duty of protecting the public, if we waste money in that area and make it one of the most expensive and fast-growing areas of Government expenditure. We hope to make the system effective and targeted, and for it to do what we should be doing, which is protecting the public from crime and giving access to justice to the vulnerable.

Jack Dromey (Birmingham, Erdington) (Lab): Legal aid is a lifeline to those in need, often at a time of crisis in their lives. This Bill, and Government cuts to local government expenditure, will cut that lifeline to tens of thousands of citizens in Birmingham and threaten the future of our citizens advice bureaux and advice centres. Does the Secretary of State not accept that justice for the better-off alone is no justice at all?

Mr Clarke: That is just a very broad-brush defence of what the hon. Gentleman believes is the need to carry on paying £38 a head per taxpayer for the current legal aid system. Of course some legal aid is absolutely essential—crucial—to the liberties of our subjects and it is one of the standards of our society that we provide legal aid for people in extremis who would otherwise have no means of urging their cause. We have this grand, across-the-board system that finances what we can sometimes see is an inferior way of resolving disputes if we look for better methods of doing so. That will apply in Birmingham as elsewhere. The previous

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Government knew that the system had to be reformed; they simply could not make up their mind about what they were going to do to reform it. We are making some very well-considered proposals, which have been consulted on and thus modified to a certain extent, for getting the system back to a sensible size.

Mr William Cash (Stone) (Con): The Lord Chancellor said that he had been personally impressed by the representations of the senior judiciary. Given that they said it would not be right as a matter either of principle or of practice to go beyond the maximum discount of one third, who are the wishy-washy liberals who have induced this row and all the fuss and problems that we have witnessed in the press over the past few weeks?

Mr Clarke: We did have quite a lot of support and it was not all from wishy-washy liberals. We also had some opponents who opposed the policy for reasons that I completely disagreed with. I was impressed by the input I got from serious people in the criminal justice system who are all used to discounts for early guilty pleas. Anyone who has ever had anything to do with criminal justice knows that there has always been a discount for pleading guilty early. The public do not know that and they do not like it when they are first told it, but there are good reasons for it. However, a reduction by half proved to be too much and I could not find any other way of resolving the issue and getting over the undoubted difficulties, so if there are any bleeding-heart liberals left who still think we are going to have a reduction by half, I am sorry to disappoint them, but at least my hon. Friend and I are now agreed on where we are.

Kate Green (Stretford and Urmston) (Lab): The Secretary of State will be aware that many prisoners have very poor levels of skills and limited work experience. Can he tell us how his plans for prisoner working will improve their employability prospects when they leave prison and what plans he has to link education with prisoner working?

Mr Clarke: I agree with all that the hon. Lady has said and we will try to produce programmes that deliver what she obviously hopes we will do. First, we have all the work experience in prison that we are going to provide. We will try to organise serious work as much as possible with the collaboration of outside businesses which, for social responsibility reasons, are often very attracted to getting involved in this area. The work inside prison should be more meaningful and more like the ordinary disciplines of working life outside. It should, with luck, add to the training and employability of those inside. Then we have to tie in with the Department for Work and Pensions’ Work programme and what it is doing to try to get people skills and employment outside. Having a job to go to greatly increases the chances that an offender might not offend again and have more victims—that they might start to go straight—so this is a very important area and we are proposing to make very significant changes in tackling that side of the problem.

Mr David Nuttall (Bury North) (Con): Last year’s Conservative party manifesto stated:

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“Many people feel that sentencing in Britain is dishonest and misleading.”

In order to start to restore the public’s trust and confidence in our justice system, if it is a good idea to introduce minimum prison sentences for certain knife crimes, why cannot we have such minimum sentences for other classes of crime?

Mr Clarke: The honesty in sentencing issue concerns the fact that it is not currently explained to people that sentences are likely to involve so much time in prison and a further amount outside on licence but subject to recall. We will see whether we can address that and make people understand more clearly what sentences actually imply. It was the previous Government, not us, who moved the amount of sentences being served from two thirds to half—a move that we intend to reverse in the cases of the most serious sexual offenders and violent criminals when we move away from imprisonment for public protection sentences to a more sensible system of determinate sentences.

Mrs Jenny Chapman (Darlington) (Lab): I welcome this latest and expertly executed U-turn from the Government. Cannot the Justice Secretary see that this whole row, as well as the cuts to probation, the cuts to youth offending teams, the banned people being allowed to volunteer in classrooms and the failure to close all the loopholes on the monitoring of sex offenders together create a very ugly picture of the Government’s attitude to victims of crime?

Mr Clarke: I have done many U-turns in my time. They should be done with purpose and panache when we have to do them, but I do not think this is a U-turn at all—[ Laughter. ] No, I do not. Let me explain—[ Laughter. ]

Mr Speaker: Order. I think Opposition Front Benchers have taken some sort of tickling powder. I have been listening with bated breath to the Secretary of State for the best part of 20 years and I want to continue listening to him.

Mr Clarke: We are aiming at a package of radical reform of sentencing to make it more effective in protecting the public, and at the same time making a substantial contribution to reducing the country’s deficit, which is vital to our economic recovery. We consulted on what is a leviathan of a Bill, with a huge range of proposals. We have changed some of it and have come up with what we intended, which is actually a better balanced package of good reform of the sentencing system. It achieves the savings we wanted. When I want to exercise a U-turn in future I shall give the hon. Lady notice, but this is not such a manoeuvre.

Mr Stewart Jackson (Peterborough) (Con): The opportunistic shroud-waving of the Opposition obscures the fact that Labour never enacted the Prisoners’ Earnings Act 1996, which would have allowed victims to be compensated by the work of prisoners. Will my right hon. and learned Friend confirm the welcome news for my constituents that vexatious, long drawn-out and costly taxpayer-funded immigration appeals are coming to an end?

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Mr Clarke: I am grateful to my hon. Friend for welcoming our moves on prisoners’ earnings and their use to support victims. I agree that we have too litigious a society, and we should not have a legal aid system that just contributes to it. Our legal aid reforms are much overdue and will get us back to looking at more sensible ways of upholding the rights of citizens and enabling them to settle their disputes.

Angela Smith (Penistone and Stocksbridge) (Lab): Will not this U-turn on sentencing mean that some of the long-term savings planned by the Ministry of Justice will no longer be achievable? If that is the case, which other parts of the Justice budget will be cut to compensate?

Mr Clarke: Roughly, the spending reductions we are making are from £9 billion a year to £7 billion a year. The discount for early guilty pleas was meant to contribute about £100 million of that. The move away from indeterminate sentences to a more sensible determinate sentence-based system will in the long run save quite a lot of money, because at the moment thousands of people are in prison and no one has the first idea when or if they will ever get out. Of course we have to readdress the issue, now that we have consulted; we have now settled the financial position with the Chief Secretary and will look for more efficiencies and savings. I am quite confident that we will find them, because so far we are making very good progress in making considerable reductions in the bloated expenditure that we inherited.

Mike Crockart (Edinburgh West) (LD): Does the Secretary of State agree with me and my previous experience, not only as a wishy-washy liberal but as a serving police officer, that one of the major barriers to rehabilitating offenders is the Rehabilitation of Offenders Act 1974? Thirty-seven years is quite long enough to wait for a reform. When shall we see it?

Mr Clarke: I hope soon. I take on board the hon. Gentleman’s views, with which I have considerable sympathy. We take very seriously the workings of the Rehabilitation of Offenders Act and its impact on reoffending and rehabilitation, and policy is being finalised at the moment.

Diana Johnson (Kingston upon Hull North) (Lab): Will there be specific provision in the Bill on children and legal aid? In particular, will children in local authority care be able to access legal aid to challenge the local authority’s decisions?

Mr Clarke: Again, I am indebted to the Under-Secretary, my hon. Friend the Member for Huntingdon. In response to the consultation, we changed the measure in the direction the hon. Lady would like, so the answer is yes.

Jason McCartney (Colne Valley) (Con): I particularly welcome the plans to introduce a full working week across the prison estate, and the fact that the money earned by prisoners will go towards supporting victims. As a former RAF officer who was involved in convening courts martial, I wonder what opportunity my right hon. and learned Friend has had to look at the work ethic in the military corrective training centre in Colchester.

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Mr Clarke: I am grateful for my hon. Friend’s welcome for our policy. Let no one underestimate: it is going to be difficult to extend the work ethic and a work programme throughout prisons. It will steadily be achieved and we are embarking on it. There are good examples in the Prison Service now—one or two, where a working week is in place for the prisoners. That needs to be rolled out throughout the estate. I will certainly take advantage of looking at the approach in the military prisons and their work-based ethic, which I understand to be the case, though I have not visited one for many years.

Kevin Brennan (Cardiff West) (Lab): I am beginning to wonder whether it was a mistake to separate the Ministry of Justice from the Home Office, because we now seem to have one Ministry for arresting people and another for letting them go. If the right hon. and learned Gentleman wants to get rid of his reputation as a wishy-washy liberal, will he go the whole hog and rename his Bill the “Legal Aid, Sentencing and Punishment of Offenders (Hang ’em, Flog ’em and Birch ’em) Bill”. That might satisfy Members on the Conservative Benches.

Mr Clarke: I have to admit that I thought that was a rather extraordinary way of reorganising the Departments when it was first done, and so did the judges. They greatly resisted going into the Ministry of Justice because they could see that the vast explosion of expenditure on prisons would crowd out the budget for the courts. The Ministry of Justice is a bit like a nest with a cuckoo in it—[Interruption.] It is not me. The previous Government kept feeding the Prison Service—exploding the Prison Service—and then cutting expenditure on every other aspect of the Department’s activities as it was thrown out of the nest. We need to stabilise the prison population, get the costs under control, use it more effectively and have a more intelligent way of working with the rest of the Department to deliver things.

The long-term future of the Department will be looked at. In my experience, the reorganisation of Departments hardly ever achieves any worthwhile objectives, whatever the Prime Minister of the day thought he was achieving. Too much confusion is caused by moving them all around and it is best to stick with the structure that we have, but I would not have gone for the present structure in the first place, if I had had anything to do with it.

David Mowat (Warrington South) (Con): Even after these changes, we will be spending between four and 10 times as much on legal aid as other countries, some with similar jurisdictions to ours. Does this not imply that there is a structural issue in parts of our legal system, and is there not more that we could do to address this structural issue in the years ahead, in which case we would make real savings?

Mr Clarke: My hon. Friend talks common sense about where we are with the legal aid system. I still think it is important to have a legal aid system to enable vulnerable people and people at serious risk to protect their rights, even when they cannot afford a lawyer, but there are plenty of other things wrong with the justice system. We are bringing forward proposals to try to improve the efficiency of the courts. At present the courts provide a daunting experience to any member of

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the public who finds himself unlucky enough to have to go through any form of litigation. The delays, waste of time and cost are almost endemic in the system.

We are tackling the efficiency of the criminal justice system—that applies to the civil justice system just as much—to try to ensure that the whole legal process becomes part of the public service and is there to be used by people who have to use it, or have to do justice, with rather more efficiency and rather less daunting waste and inconvenience than is often the case at present. The costs must be brought down through large parts of the service.

Ian Lucas (Wrexham) (Lab): The Lord Chancellor is a respected parliamentarian. It has become increasingly clear during the statement that he does not agree with the sentencing policy that the Prime Minister has foisted on him in relation to the reduction of sentences. Why does he not be honest, be true to himself, retain respect and tell the Prime Minister where to go?

Mr Clarke: The Prime Minister, other colleagues in the Government and I have all had perfectly reasonable discussions about the criminal justice system. We all presented a package of proposals for consultation and we are presenting the same package today in response to that consultation. This is a sensible way of running a Government. I realise that politics has become a branch of the celebrity culture, but the idea that what is really interesting is whether the Prime Minister and I are arguing or whether the Prime Minister and I are agreeing is largely obscuring what I think is an extremely positive package of proposals which, after consultation, is better fitted to meet the aspirations that we all had when we embarked on the policy in the first place.

Jessica Lee (Erewash) (Con): It is a sad fact that half of adults leaving prison are reconvicted within a year of release, a legacy of the previous Government. I therefore welcome the proposal for a work programme for offenders in prisons. Does my right hon. and learned Friend agree that this should surely provide prisoners with a brighter future and prevent them from becoming a menace to society again, not least to the law-abiding citizens of Erewash?

Mr Clarke: I agree entirely with my hon. Friend. The figure she repeats—one in two ex-offenders will be caught and convicted within a year of leaving prison—is truly extraordinary. I agree that proper change is needed. We need to protect the public from the worst of that, and where prisoners have the gumption to respond and try to get themselves out of their way of life and become honest citizens again, we should make more of them do so. I am sure that that would be appreciated in Erewash, as it would across the rest of the country.

Jeremy Corbyn (Islington North) (Lab): The Secretary of State invited us to look at what the situation will be four years down the line. Does he not expect there to be a larger and more expensive prison population, with prisoners serving very long sentences for some of the offences for which he is increasing the tariff, and that there will be a large number of people denied access to legal aid, fewer advice services, fewer CABs and a lot of people very disgruntled that justice is not available to them because they are too poor?

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Mr Clarke: I always believe that policy is best judged by results and that half the fuss that surrounds policy making completely fails to predict what will go right and wrong thereafter. I firmly believe—I am quite confident—this package of policies will not have the results that the hon. Gentleman fears. We will both know in four years’ time. The whole purpose of the policies is to achieve the precise opposite of what he holds up as a possible outcome. We had to have radical reform, and it has to be carried forward in a business-like and sensible way to deliver a criminal justice system and access to civil justice of the kind we require.

Richard Graham (Gloucester) (Con): My constituents will welcome the Secretary of State’s announcement today that serious sexual offenders, such as those recently convicted for rape and assault in Barton street and Eastgate street in Gloucester, will now serve two thirds of their sentence in jail, rather than half. They will also welcome the fact that illegal immigrants will no longer have access to taxpayer-funded legal aid. Does my right hon. and learned Friend agree that successful drug and alcohol rehabilitation programmes run by organisations such as the Nelson Trust near my constituency in Stroud have an important role to play in these new policies?

Mr Clarke: I agree with my hon. Friend. It is far more sensible to have an appropriate determinate sentence, and serious sexual and violent offenders—those serving longer sentences—should go back to having to serve two thirds before being eligible for release. Indeed, if the Parole Board thinks that they should not be released, they should probably serve their whole term. That is far superior to the lottery of the IPP that we have at the moment. I strongly agree that we must do something to encourage the many people in the voluntary sector who want to work with ex-offenders and can successfully help those who can be rehabilitated to get themselves out of a life of crime.

Mr Peter Bone (Wellingborough) (Con): Parliamentarians on both sides of the House will welcome not only the Secretary of State’s statement, but the whole process. To be helpful to him, I wonder whether he could solve the economic problem overnight by sending the 11,000 foreign nationals incarcerated in prisons in England and Wales back home on a plane tomorrow and forget their human rights.

Mr Clarke: There are some measures in the consultation on the release of foreign national prisoners after they have served their tariff and conditional cautions for people who go away on the basis that we will not let them come back. Those are intended to reduce the rather ridiculous proportion of foreigners in the prison population. We are working with the UK Border Agency on the difficult problem of how to get people out of the country when they have no papers and the receiving country will not take them. My instincts are entirely those of my hon. Friend’s. It is quite absurd that 13% of the prison population are foreign nationals and we must work to get that figure down.

Several hon. Members rose —

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Mr Speaker: Order. I am keen to accommodate remaining Back Benchers, but I reiterate my ritual appeal for brevity.

Dr Sarah Wollaston (Totnes) (Con): On legal aid for medical negligence cases, can the Secretary of State reassure the House that he has made an assessment and we are not going to end up transferring additional costs to the NHS Litigation Authority?

Mr Clarke: Obviously, the NHS Litigation Authority has been involved in our consultation, but at the moment I see no reason why that should be the consequence at all. Indeed, I think—I hope—that the NHS will be spared some of the more speculative litigation that has taken place, whereby people really hope that somebody will pay a kind of settlement to avoid incurring the further costs of resisting the claim. In genuine cases, we have to ensure access to justice, of course, because clinical negligence claims are very important, and we think that the no win, no fee system, as modified, is the best way of doing so.

Martin Vickers (Cleethorpes) (Con): The Lord Chancellor said in his statement, “Public confidence in the criminal justice system is unacceptably low,” and sadly that is the case. Does he agree that only when sentencing policy more truly reflects public opinion will that confidence return?

Mr Clarke: Of course, and that is why I have stressed some of the measures that we are introducing today to try to send the right messages about serious violent and sexual crime and about knife crime. No sensible or civilised person in this country suggests anything other than serious punishment for crimes of that kind.

It is very difficult to win public confidence, because in the course of an ordinary life most people’s contact with the criminal justice system is very sporadic indeed, so most people do not know anything about indeterminate sentences, discounts for early guilty pleas or any of the things that we talk about here. I have a rather sad feeling that for as long as I can remember opinion polls have always said that people think sentences are too short and the criminal justice system is too lax, but, on sensible public opinion, we are their servants and we are trying to reassure them that the criminal justice system will, indeed, protect them, as it should do.

Mr David Evennett (Bexleyheath and Crayford) (Con): Does my right hon. and learned Friend agree that time in prison should be time well spent and, therefore, that education and training, rather than just leaving prisoners to languish in their cells, is absolutely essential?

Mr Clarke: I entirely agree with my hon. Friend, who has expertise in that subject, and I am working very closely with my right hon. and hon. Friends in the Department for Work and Pensions. What they are doing to improve the training and work opportunities of people in this country has to include ex-offenders, and we have to ensure that in parallel we do more to get our ex-offenders settled in work wherever the ex-offender is prepared to make the effort to get into honest employment.

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Rehman Chishti (Gillingham and Rainham) (Con): I welcome the Secretary of State’s statement and, in particular, the abolition of legal aid for squatters resisting eviction. Can he clarify how much was spent on that in the past 10 years?

Mr Clarke: No. I shall have to write to my hon. Friend with that information, but I am grateful for his welcome. I do not know whether anyone would oppose this, but it is plainly wrong to make legal aid ordinarily available to people who, by definition, are squatting in properties for which they do not have a legal claim to put forward.

Amber Rudd (Hastings and Rye) (Con): Although I acknowledge the need for cuts to legal aid, may I share with the Secretary of State my concerns about local advice agencies, which sometimes provide essential local advice to the most vulnerable? Will he work closely with his ministerial colleagues to ensure that some provision is made for such agencies to continue?

Mr Clarke: I will take back to my ministerial colleagues the fact that several respected Members have made that point quite strongly in the course of these exchanges. We are discussing it, and we know that we have to respond to it. On the question of which Department will eventually announce the outcome, I am not quite sure, because several Departments are involved, but we are all seeking to find a solution to it.

Paul Maynard (Blackpool North and Cleveleys) (Con): The Howard League for Penal Reform’s recent report on short sentences makes it clear that one reason for the devastatingly high level of reoffending after sentences of under six months is a lack of adequate resettlement support for those leaving prison. In retaining shorter sentences, can the Secretary of State reassure me that more will be done to ensure that such prisoners are helped to have a useful and purposeful life after leaving prison?

Mr Clarke: I agree with my hon. Friend’s analysis. The reoffending rates are very bad for short-term offenders because they are often let out again without the follow-up that is given to more serious criminals. Of course, the problem is that one cannot simply extend the sentence. Short-term sentences remain suitable for some people. Indeed, some people do not really need help but would benefit from being put in prison—for example, uninsured drivers, about whom I was talking earlier today. People who are otherwise respectable and take no notice of the law by driving while uninsured will soon take notice if they are given a short prison sentence. They do not require rehabilitation when they are released; most will almost certainly not drive without insurance again. As for the others, we are where we are. Some people leave the magistrates no alternative because everything else has been tried and they keep offending. If we could get stronger community sentences and make them more magistrate-friendly, some of the people about whom my hon. Friend is concerned might be put on to a more constructive path that will help them to stop offending.

Gavin Barwell (Croydon Central) (Con): As a London MP, I warmly welcome my right hon. and learned Friend’s proposal to introduce mandatory sentences for

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adults who use a knife to threaten and endanger. He will know that many knife crimes are committed by younger offenders. May I implore him to send a similarly unambiguous message to those offenders?

Mr Clarke: I think the message from the whole House is that we disapprove of the carrying and using of knives. We keep striving to reverse what recently became, particularly in parts of London, almost a fashion for knife crime. I am sure that the offence that we are going to introduce will reinforce the message we are giving. My right hon. Friend the Home Secretary has also announced a whole package of measures on knife crime. The Government will take my hon. Friend’s advice in giving very high priority to this subject.

Paul Uppal (Wolverhampton South West) (Con): The Justice Secretary touched on the issue of clinical negligence, particularly in cases where litigation costs can often far exceed the actual sum insured. To echo the sentiment expressed by my hon. Friend the Member for Totnes (Dr Wollaston), can he give the House any guidance on measures that can be introduced to ensure an early resolution? The NHS Litigation Authority, trusts, GPs and consultants are often loth to admit liability, and that leads to undue costs and delayed and protracted negotiations.

Mr Clarke: A lot of that lies within the province of my right hon. Friend the Secretary of State for Health. Many people in the health service realise that the key way to proceed is to settle claims and pay up promptly when someone has obviously made a mistake, while fighting resolutely cases brought by people who are acting speculatively. Many cases could be resolved by better complaints procedures or by attempts to discuss the matter. One of the things we are exploring is the early exchange of reports so that both sides know exactly what expert evidence is available to them and do not hold their own evidence back, because that paves the way to a resolution of the claim. I am sure that everyone in the NHS is as anxious as my hon. Friend and I are to see some progress on this. Perhaps making legal aid less available in this area will stop some people being quite so litigious and make them a little more constructive about how to sort out a proper remedy.

Andrew Griffiths (Burton) (Con): My right hon. and learned Friend’s statements about knife crime will be welcomed by my constituent, Yvonne Upton, who has been campaigning since she lost her son, Connor, to somebody who chose to carry a knife on a night out.

As regards drugs in prison, does my right hon. and learned Friend agree that under the previous Government too many prisoners were on long-term methadone prescriptions and parked in state-induced dependency, and that getting those prisoners drug free with an abstinence programme is key to proper reform?

Mr Clarke: There are people with better clinical expertise on drug rehabilitation than I, but I share my hon. Friend’s instincts. We are seeking to make proper drug rehabilitation programmes work. There is obviously a danger that it sometimes becomes easier to maintain people on methadone, and that is going nowhere in

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some cases. I am sure that methadone has a place in all this, because people with more knowledge than I have insist that it does, but we are looking for proper rehabilitation wherever possible, with the aim of abstinence and making the person drug free.

Jane Ellison (Battersea) (Con): I warmly welcome the Secretary of State’s commitment to making our prisons more drug free. A constituent of mine has become addicted while in prison and is desperate to get off his addiction lest he be drawn into circles of crime on his release. Can my right hon. and learned Friend make a commitment to do more for such people who want to get clean and go straight?

Mr Clarke: I hope that we can do more. My right hon. Friend the Secretary of State for Health is looking at drug rehabilitation services generally for people who do not offend, as well as for people who get themselves into trouble with the law. This is a very important area. The majority of crime in this country is linked directly or indirectly to drug abuse of some kind. The majority of prisoners have indulged in the abuse of drugs shortly before their admission to prison. It is essential that we respond to my hon. Friend’s plea that such programmes are supported and made more effective.

Jake Berry (Rossendale and Darwen) (Con): My constituents will welcome the Secretary of State’s announcement that more life sentences will be available to judges when dealing with serious, repeat and violent offenders. Will he tell the House what sort of offences that will cover and, specifically, which repeat offences will eventually carry the life tariff?

Mr Clarke: I think there will be an automatic increase in the number of life sentences when we get rid of IPPs. When indeterminate sentences were introduced, some of the people who were given IPPs were in really dangerous categories and had been convicted of offences for which life imprisonment was already the maximum offence. When we change it, judges will put such people back on life sentences. The whole IPP experiment was a mistake. We have indeterminate sentences in this country—they are called life sentences. They are better managed and are the proper way to deal with the most serious offenders. I think that some of the most serious offenders who get IPPs now will in the future get life sentences, just as judges always gave them before.

Mr Rob Wilson (Reading East) (Con): Many of my constituents want reassurance that the victims of crime will be properly catered for in the new Bill. What discussions has the Secretary of State had with the victims commissioner, and can he tell us a little about them?

Mr Clarke: I have very welcome conversations with the victims commissioner from time to time, and very much hope to involve her more closely than has been the case in the development of policy. Obviously, the concerns of victims should be at the heart of all that we do. I was told as I came in that the victims commissioner, Louise Casey, has just issued a statement about our

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announcements today. It is quite long and I will not read it all. [Hon. Members: “Go on!”] Well, I will read just the first sentence. She says that she sincerely welcomes

“the government’s response to the Green Paper consultation”

announced today. I will try to keep her support because it is extremely important that victims have confidence in what we are doing.

Andrew Percy (Brigg and Goole) (Con): The transfer of foreign national prisoners is obviously not a simple issue. However, last year, Humberside police and East Riding of Yorkshire council brought to my attention the case of an EU national who had committed 33 crimes against the good people of Goole. We were told that deportation, if it did take place, could take up to two years. Surely it is completely and utterly unacceptable for any EU national to be in a British jail; they should be in their own countries in their own jails. Any EU nationals who are released from our jails should be deported immediately.

Mr Clarke: I am glad to say that there is an agreement on the transfer of prisoners within the European Union—[ Interruption. ] Yes, it was negotiated by the previous Government and it will come into force in November this year. Off the top of my head, only two countries, Ireland and Poland, have derogated from it and are delaying implementation. I look forward to the proper transfer of prisoners to all the other countries. It means that British criminals will be brought to our prisons to complete their sentences and that foreign prisoners will be returned elsewhere. We will see who benefits. It is obviously very sensible from every point of view.

We constantly consider with the UK Border Agency the quicker removal of prisoners who are due for deportation. I concede to the UKBA that deportation is not always as simple in individual cases as it is made to sound. It is difficult to get some countries to accept former prisoners, and it is, of course, difficult to get some people to go to other countries. Sometimes, their very identity or nationality is the subject of constant dispute.

Mr Philip Hollobone (Kettering) (Con): Should not judges and magistrates be made aware of the success or otherwise of their individual sentencing decisions, by being kept informed of the reoffending rates of the offenders whom they send down?

Mr Clarke: There is a lot of work going on about the transparency of justice and the publication of local figures. We all need to know more detail about what is being done at local level and what the consequences are of the administration of justice in our localities. I am sure that all the best magistrates would welcome some feedback and more information about what is happening as a result of their sentencing policy.

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Points of Order
4.55 pm

Hilary Benn (Leeds Central) (Lab): On a point of order, Mr Speaker. We have today, for the second week in a row, had a written statement, followed by a prime ministerial press conference, followed by an oral statement. Last week it was on the Health and Social Care Bill, today it was on sentencing and legal aid. It is pretty unusual to have two statements on the same subject on the same day, but do you share my concern that it is discourteous to the House, because it means that the media have a chance to question Ministers—the Prime Minister in the last two cases—on policy before Members of this House get the chance to ask questions? As such, it is not in keeping with the spirit of our rules.

Mr Speaker: I thank the right hon. Gentleman for his point of order and for advance notice of it. I have made clear my view that important announcements of policy should be made first to this House, with the opportunity of questioning Ministers. Although I understand the pressures of the 24/7 news agenda, that remains my firm view. I am therefore uneasy at sequences of events in which a written ministerial statement is followed, or even preceded, by briefing outside the House, with the opportunity to question Ministers in the House by means of an urgent question or following an oral statement coming only some time later.

The House will recall that, on 20 July last year, it asked the Procedure Committee to consider whether the rules of the House should be changed. The Committee reported in February, and the Government’s reply was published a month ago. There are thus matters awaiting resolution by the House itself. In the meantime, the right hon. Gentleman may be assured that I will remain vigilant in the House’s interests, and will be ready to use my powers to permit questioning or debate if I see fit to do so, and indeed for such period as I see fit. I hope that is helpful.

Mr Peter Bone (Wellingborough) (Con): Further to that point of order, Mr Speaker. I wish to show that there are concerns on both sides of the House, and to tell the shadow Leader of the House that I did not think he went far enough. Last night on Sky News, Jon Craig reported not only the detail of the statement but the media schedule. The policy was also reported in this morning’s newspaper. That clearly cannot be in order under current practices.

Mr Speaker: I note what the hon. Gentleman has said, and I think that the House will have noted it as well. I do not think I need to add to what he has said, but I am nevertheless grateful to him.