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Friday, June 04, 2010

The Guildford Four: in the name of justice

The Guildford Four: in the name of justice

As one of the Guildford Four, Gerry Conlon spent 15 years in prison for an IRA campaign he knew nothing about. More than 20 years later he is still fighting for justice.


Gerry Conlon: 'The Government knew we were being tortured'

There are moments when I lose sight of Gerry Conlon through the fog of countless cigarettes smoked during our four-hour interview. He is in Liverpool to campaign for other victims of miscarriages of justice, and we meet in a rented apartment in the city's Chinatown. We are joined periodically by others who are there to support the cause. Each adds views on the various injustices they have suffered and each contributes to the cloud of thick smoke filling the room.

In 1974, the then 20-year-old Belfast-born Conlon was arrested over the IRA pub bombings in Guildford which killed five people. He had never been to Guildford. But along with the three other members of the group that became known as the Guildford Four, Conlon was sentenced to life in prison on the basis of false confessions made after days of mistreatment by Surrey police.

Conlon's father, Giuseppe, was also imprisoned as part of a group known as the Maguire Seven. The basis of their convictions was forensic evidence - later discredited - which the prosecution claimed proved they had handled explosives used in the bombings. The group, including Patrick Maguire who was just 13 when he was arrested, were sentenced to between four and 14 years in prison.

In 1989 the Court of Appeal quashed the convictions of the Guildford Four when it was found that crucial alibi evidence - proving Conlon could not have done the bombings - had not been shown to the defence. There was also evidence of police collusion on fabricating the statements - the only evidence produced against them at the original trial. The Maguire Seven later had their convictions overturned, but by this time they had all served their sentences and been released, except Giuseppe Conlon who, already in failing health when he was arrested, died after five years in prison.

The Gerry Conlon that stood outside the High Court in London after his release was a triumphant and charismatic figure. He told massed press and supporters that he was an innocent man who had spent 15 years in prison for a crime he didn't commit. He vowed to clear his late father's name and fight for the release of others, like the Birmingham Six and the Bridgwater Three, who had been wrongly convicted.

This is the Conlon that played repeatedly on the news bulletins. And this is the man portrayed by Daniel Day-Lewis as the star of In the Name Of the Father, the partly fictionalised 1993 film based on Conlon's autobiography. But Conlon's feelings of triumph were short-lived and he was far from ready for the outside world.

"If you spend a few weeks in the Big Brother house, you get counselling when you leave to prepare you for life outside. I spent 15 years being moved from one terrible prison to the next, being treated like I was lower than the worst kind of paedophile. When I got released I was given £34.90 and told to go."

When long-term prisoners come up for release, they are slowly reintroduced to the outside world, with supervised day releases, then weekend releases. When wrongful convictions are quashed, prisoners leave straight away, with no preparation for how to cope with life on the outside.

Conlon was initially on a high after his release. He put everything into making good his pledge to get the convictions of the Birmingham Six overturned. After months of frantic campaigning, he went back to his mother's house in Belfast to take a break when suddenly the impact of what he had been through hit him.

"I came out of the bathroom and my father, who'd died years earlier, was sitting on the settee in prison pyjamas and a prison dressing gown. Since then I haven't been able to get the terrible images out of my head.

"I never had one suicidal thought in prison. Now I have them all the time. I haven't been able to have a relationship, I've turned to alcohol and drugs, it's a constant waking nightmare."

More than twenty years after his release, the man sitting in front of me is no less eloquent and determined than the angry 35-year old who stood outside court, but his mind has never escaped from prison. He speaks lyrically, without pause, recalling full names, exact dates and locations of the grim landmarks of his ordeal. But at every turn he is visibly haunted by the terrible memories that won't stay in the past and the injustices which continue in the present.

Conlon believes that because their case caused such political embarrassment, there was what he calls a "whispering campaign" around Westminster after their release. That although their conviction was quashed, the authorities wanted people to think they were freed on a technicality, but may actually have been guilty.

He is angry that nobody was ever punished for their wrongful imprisonment. He is also convinced that it was not just the police that lied to get them convicted. He believes the conspiracy to jail innocent people went right to the top.

"The Government knew, right from the start, that we were innocent. They knew we had nothing to do with the IRA, but they didn't care. That's why they have a 75-year immunity order on our case. Because they want all the people involved to be dead before they release our files."

Because this cloud of suspicion was allowed to remain, Conlon was denied access to psychiatric treatment. It was not until 2007 that he began getting regular therapy, and even then only one hour a week. This has helped, but is far too little, coming far too late, for someone who suffered trauma on the level that he did.

"I have what they call a disassociation problem: something comes in to my head and I'm back in prison. I'm back in Wakefield, being tortured... hands behind my back, gun in my mouth, it doesn't go away.

"The reason I took drugs and alcohol was because I couldn't deal with what my mind was projecting. To get some relief from the nightmares, day and night.

"But then the nightmares started breaking through with a sledge hammer, and once that happened it was a question of giving up the drugs and fighting to get professional help."

The effects of his wrongful conviction went far beyond Conlon and the others who were wrongfully convicted. Prison visits were supervised and any personal details discussed would be spread around by mischievous warders, so they stuck to discussing pleasantries.

"I'd spent months in solitary, in the dark. I'd been beaten, had people defecating in my food, putting glass in my food. I'd seen people murdered. Yet I had to tell my family they were treating me well.

"When you come out you find the relationship with your family during your time inside was built on falsehoods. I didn't know that my mother and my sisters were being strip searched and abused when they came to see me. You can't calculate the devastating effect it has on your family."

As we are speaking Conlon sees a news report on the TV screen behind me about the treatment of the former Guantánamo Bay detainee Binyan Mohamed.

"Nothing has changed. The Government knew we were being tortured in the 1970s. When I hear about Binyam Mohamed it all comes back. My mind flashes back to the beatings, the threats and the mental cruelty I suffered at the hands of the police."

Conlon has become frustrated by the lack of political will to help victims of miscarriages of justice. The Miscarriages of Justice Organisation (Mojo) was formed by Paddy Hill after he and other members of the Birmingham Six had their convictions quashed in 1991. Mojo is campaigning to have a trauma centre set up dedicated to helping miscarriage of justice victims after they leave prison. They get sympathetic noises from politicians but little action.

In 1997, Conlon was given half a million pounds in compensation. Giving money to victims of miscarriages of justice is likened by Conlon to giving them a "bottle of whisky and a revolver".

"They may as well say: 'here's the money, now go and kill yourself.'

"They gave me £546,000 - for taking me, torturing me and framing me; taking my father, torturing him and having him die in prison; then leaving me sinking in the quicksand of my own nightmares."

In 2005 the Guildford Four and the Maguire Seven finally got a personal apology from Tony Blair. Conlon told the then Prime Minister that the apology would only mean something if it came with more help for the victims.

"Blair turned to [parliamentary private secretary] David Hanson and said: 'David, get on to this right away.' Since then we've had no help. We followed up on Tony Blair's promise and were basically told to get lost. He lied to us - the apology means nothing."

"If there was a trauma centre, within a year, you could probably be living a normal productive life rather than being haunted by nightmares."

But picking up the pieces of those who have already been wrongly convicted is cure, rather than prevention. Seeing the mistreatment of suspects and innocent people going to prison makes him feel that Britain has not moved on since the 1970s.

"Back then it was the Irish, now it's Muslims. But nobody is safe, one of the Guildford Four was English. Everyone thinks this happens to other people, but it's closer than you think.

"Who's to say you're not going to be next. Look at Sally Clarke, she was a solicitor and she drank herself to death after she was wrongly convicted of killing her two sons."

What is striking about Conlon is that while he is angry, he is amazingly lacking in bitterness. He is clearly suffering greatly with the horrors of 15 years being treated "worse than a twisted child killer". He wants his case files released; he wants proper post-sentence care for other victims of miscarriages - but he is not consumed by hate.

A common theme he returns to is how trauma counselling is given to people who have experienced what, to him, would seem fairly mild. But every time he mentions another group getting "the best counselling available", he pauses, and slowly emphasises, "and so they should, and so they should. But what about us?"

Conlon is now "full of" psychiatric drugs, and his terrifying flashbacks continue. But through the pain caused by his years in prison he finds some purpose.

"I want my father's death to count for something. It's the hardest thing you can imagine to be put in prison for something you didn't do. If I can do something to stop it happening to other people my life will have meant something."

* richard.holt@telegraph.co.uk

Thursday, June 03, 2010

U.S. Jail Population Declines For First Time in Decades

U.S. Jail Population Declines For First Time in Decades

Miami-Dade, Orange County Florida Show Largest Declines, New Report Finds



For the first time in decades, the nation's jail population declined by 2.3 percent from June 2008 to June 2009, according to a study by the Department of Justice released today.

The number of inmates in U.S. jails dropped by 17,900, the report stated. Jails differ from prisons since they are viewed as temporary holding facilities before trials or court hearings.

According to the Bureau of Justice Statistics, this is the first real decline in jail population since it began conducting the survey in 1982.

Family court judge murdered

Family court judge murdered

Immigrant on the run after murdering Belgian judge and legal assistant in courthouse in row over housing benefit

Link.

End this 'inhumane and expensive' asylum system

End this 'inhumane and expensive' asylum system

The government must ensure asylum seekers receive good-quality legal representation before more families suffer



My organisation, Refugee and Migrant Justice, is the largest specialist provider of legal representation to asylum seekers and the victims of trafficking. We are facing possible closure because of the last government's mistakes.

The new government has an opportunity to make Britain's asylum system fairer, faster and more humane. Labour policies to clear backlogs, tighten borders, and appear "tough" have resulted in an expensive, inefficient and inhumane system in which children are routinely locked up and many genuine cases turned down, only to be accepted at appeal – a costly process wasting money for the taxpayer.

The new administration's decisions to end the detention of children and review asylum and legal aid are potentially positive. But, despite this good start, decisions being taken on legal aid now may define this as the moment things went horribly wrong.

Good-quality legal representation is the key to speed and fairness and offers good value for money, but the last government's funding rules are squeezing this out.

Ashby v White (1703)

Ashby v White (1703)

Misfeasance in public office, denial of the right to vote

"Ashby against White & al.

"The Plaintiff in this Action declares, That, the 26th of December in the 12th Year of King William the Third, a Writ issued out of Chancery, directed to the Sheriff of Bucks; reciting, "That the King had ordered a Parliament to be held at Westminster, on the Sixth of February following:" The Writ commanded the Sheriff to cause to be elected for the County Two Knights, for every City Two Citizens, and for every Borough Two Burgesses; which Writ was delivered to the Sheriff, who made a Precept, in Writing, under the Seal of his Office, directed to the Constables of the Borough of Aylsbury, commanding them to cause Two Burgesses of the said Borough to be elected, &c.; which Precept was delivered to the Defendants, to whom it did belong to execute the same. By virtue of which Writ and Precept, the Burgesses of that Borough, being summoned, did assemble before the Defendants, to elect Two Burgesses; and they being so assembled, in order to make such Election, the Plaintiff, being then a Burgess and Inhabitant of that Borough, being duly qualified to give his Vote at that Election, was there ready, and offered his Vote to the Defendants, for the Choice of Sir Thomas Lee Baronet and Simon Mayne Esquire, and the Defendants were then required to receive and admit of his Vote. The Defendants, being not ignorant of the Premises, but contriving, and fraudulently and maliciously intending, to damnify the Plaintiff, and to defeat him of that his Privilege, did hinder him from giving his Vote, and did refuse to permit him to give his Vote; so that the Two Burgesses were elected without any Vote given by the Plaintiff, to his Damage, &c. Upon Not Guilty pleaded, the Cause went down to Trial; and a Verdict was given for the Plaintiff, and Five Pounds Damages, and also Costs.

"It was moved in the Court of King's Bench, in Arrest of Judgement, "That this Action did not lie;" and that Point was argued by Counsel, and afterwards by the Court.

"The Lord Chief Justice Holt was of Opinion, "That Judgement in this Case ought to be given for the Plaintiff;" but Mr. Justice Powel, Mr. Justice Powys, and Mr. Justice Gold, being of a different Opinion, Judgement was entered for the Defendant: Whereupon the Plaintiff brought a Writ of Error in Parliament; and the Cause being argued, at the Bar of the House of Lords, by Counsel, and Ten of the Judges who were present in the House being heard, and the Matter fully debated by the Lords, the House was of Opinion, "That the Judgement given in the King's Bench was erroneous; and that the Plaintiff has a good Cause of Action, and ought to have Judgement."

"To maintain this Opinion, these Three Positions were laid down:

"1. That the Plaintiff, as a Burgess of this Borough, had a legal Right to give his Vote for the Election of Parliament Burgesses.

"2. That, as a necessary Consequence thereof, and an Incident inseparable to that Right, he must have a Remedy to assert and maintain it.

"3. That this is the proper Remedy, which the Plaintiff hath pursued; being supported by the Grounds and Principles of the ancient Common Law of England.

"To make good the First Position, "That the Plaintiff has a legal Right to give his Vote at the Election of Burgesses for this Borough;" it was said, "That it is well known, the House of Commons consists of Knights, Citizens, and Burgesses."

"The Knights of Shires represent all the Freeholders of the Counties. Anciently, every the least Freeholder had as much Right to give his Suffrage, as the greatest Owner of Lands in the County. This Right was a Part of his Freehold, and inherent in his Person by reason thereof, and to which he had as good a Title as to receive the natural Profits of his Soil. This appears by the Statute of 8 H. VI. Cap. 7; which recites the great Inconvenience which did arise in the Election of Knights of the Shires, by Men that were of small Substance, who pretended to have an equal Right with Knights and Esquires of the same County; therefore that Right was abridged, and confined only to such Freeholders as had Forty Shillings per Annum: But thereby it appears, that the Right which a Freeholder hath to vote, in the Election for Knights of the Shire, is an original and fundamental Right, belonging to him as he is a Freeholder.

"The Second and Third Sort of Men, which compose the great Representation of the People of England, are Citizens and Burgesses; who though they differ in Name, yet are in Essence and Substance the same; for every City is a Borough, and as such sends Members to Parliament.

"There are Two Sorts of Boroughs; the one more ancient, the other more modern.

"Of the First Sort are the most ancient Towns of England, whose Lands are held in Burgage; and, by reason thereof, had the Right and Privilege annexed to their Estates, of sending Burgesses to Parliament.

"The Second Sort are those Cities and Boroughs that have a Right by Prescription, Time immemorial, or by Charter within Time of Memory, to choose Burgesses for the Parliament: Both these are upon several Foundations; the one, as belonging to their Burgages; the other, as belonging to their Corporations: The First is a real Right, belonging to their Houses and Lands; the other is a Personal Right, belonging to their Body Politic.

"As for the First, it is sufficiently described in Littleton's Tenures, Sect. 162, 163, 164. A Tenure in Burgage is a Tenure in Soccage, and is called a Tenure in Burgage, because these are the most ancient Towns in England; and from thence came the Burgesses to Parliament: And they who have this Privilege, have it as belonging to their Estates or Possessions.

"The other Right of choosing Parliament Burgesses is not annexed to any Freehold or Estate in Possession, but vested in the Corporation of the Place; and is created in this Manner; (videlicet,)

"When a Town was incorporated, a Grant was either then or after made to the Body Politic, that they shall have Two Burgesses for the Parliament, to be chosen either by all the Freemen and Inhabitants of the Place, or such a selected Number as is prescribed by the Charter.

"The Inheritance of this Privilege is in the whole Corporation aggregate; but the Benefit, Possession, and Exercise, is in the Persons of those who, by the Constitutions of those Charters, are appointed to elect.

"And in all Cases where a Corporation hath such a Privilege, the Members thereof, in their private Capacity, have the Benefit and Enjoyment thereof, because the Corporation, as such, is not to be represented; for it is not necessary that it should have any Estate; but, by being a Corporation, they have only a Capacity to have Estates. Jones 165, Hyward, and Fulcher. For as the Citizens and Freemen of a Place are incorporated for the better Government of those of the Place; so is this Privilege of having Burgesses given for the Advantage of the particular Members thereof, whose Estates are to be bound by the Acts of their Representatives.

46 Ed. III. M 4. Dorso, &c.
"And therefore the Wages of Citizens and Burgesses were always levied, not upon the Estates or Goods of the Corporation, but upon the Goods and Estates of the Members thereof.

"It appears, by other Instances, that it is usual and proper for Corporations to have Interests granted to them, which enure to the Advantage of the Members in their private Capacities. Moore 832, Sir Thomas Waller versus Hanger. The King granted to the Mayor and Citizens of London, "That no Prisage be taken and paid for Wines, of the Citizens and Freemen of London." This enures to the Benefit of every Citizen and Freeman of London for his own Wines, in which the Corporation of the City hath no Interest.

"The same Thing appears by the Case of Waller and Spateman, I Saund. 343, and by the Case of Meller and Walker. These Instances make it sufficiently appear, that though the Inheritance of this Franchise be in the Body Corporate, yet it is for the Benefit of the particular Members thereof; and it is certainly a great Advantage for the Men or Inhabitants of a Place, to choose Persons to represent them in Parliament, who thereby will have an Opportunity, and be under an Obligation, to represent their Grievances, and advance their Profit.

"Of this Opinion have Two Parliaments been, as appears by Two several Acts; the one, 34 and 35 H. VIII. Cap. 13; the other, 25 Car. II. Cap. 9. The First is an Act for making Knights and Burgesses within the County and City of Chester, which begins in this Manner: "In humble Wise shew to Your Majesty, the Inhabitants of Your Grace's County Palatine of Chester, that they being excluded and separated from Your High Court of Parliament to have any Burgesses within the said Court, by reason whereof the Inhabitants have hitherto sustained manifold Losses and Damages, as well in their Lands as Goods and Bodies;" therefore it was Enacted, "That they should have Knights for the County, and Citizens for the City of Chester:" The other Act, which constitutes Knights and Burgesses for the County Palatine and City of Durham, recites, "That the Inhabitants thereof, hitherto, had not that Liberty and Privilege of electing and sending Knights and Burgesses to the High Court of Parliament."

"The Application of these Two Acts is very plain: The First saith, "To be excluded from sending Knights and Burgesses to Parliament, is a Damage to Lands, Goods, and Body." The other saith, "That it is a Liberty and Privilege to send them."

"Thus the Right of Election is explained, and shewed to be a legal Right.

"That, of electing Knights of Shires belonging to, and inherent in, the Freehold.

"The other, of electing Burgesses, is belonging, in some Cities and Towns, to the Real Estates of the Inhabitants; and, in others, is vested in the Corporation, for the Benefit of the particular Members, who are the Electors; the having of which is a great Benefit and Advantage to the People thereof, and will prevent great Loss and Damage, that otherwise would ensue.

"2. It follows, that, in Consequence of this Right or Privilege, the Possessors thereof must have a legal Remedy to assert and maintain it.

"It was said, That there are many Rights, for which a Man has no Remedy by the Common Law; as in Case of a Legacy given, if it be not paid, the Party cannot bring an Action for it. This is very true, but not applicable to the present Purpose; for the Constitution of the English Government has wisely distributed to several Courts the Determination of proper Causes; but has left no Subject, in any Case where he is injured, without his adequate Remedy, if he will go to the right Place for it. If a Man will seek for a Remedy at Common Law for a Legacy, which by our Constitution is to be recovered in the Ecclesiastical Court, it is his own Fault if he do not recover; as it would be, if he should begin a Suit for Land in the Court of Admiralty, or go for Equity to the Common Pleas.

"But there is no such Notion in the Law of England as a Right without a Remedy.

"He who loses or quits his Remedy, loses his Right. If a Man has a Bond for Payment of One Thousand Pounds, he has no Remedy to recover this Money but by Action; therefore, if he releases all Actions, he loses his Right to the Money, because he has given away the Means to recover it. Coke's 6th Rep. 58. Bridgeman's Case. If a Man purchases an Advowson, and at the next Avoidance suffers an Usurpation, and brings not the Quare Impedit in Time, he hath lost all Manner of Remedy, and in Consequence his Right, to which neither he nor his Heirs can ever be restored.

"Would it not look very strange, in a Constitution so formed that the Commons of England have an undoubted Share in the Legislative Authority, which is to be exercised by their Representatives, chosen by themselves, in which every Freeholder of Forty Shillings per Annum hath a Right to vote for the County, every Citizen for a City, and every Burgess for a Borough; that if the Sheriff, or other Officer, who is to cause the Election to be duly made, shall hinder or deprive any of those Electors of his Right, the Person injured shall have no Remedy, though the Injury be done to such a Right, upon the Security whereof the Lives, Liberty, and Property, of all the People of England so much depend?

"That the Defendants in this Case, by hindering the Plaintiff from voting, have done ill, cannot be denied; because they have excluded One, who has a Right, from his Vote. Then, if the Law doth not allow an Action to the Party injured, it tolerates the Injury; which is absurd to say is tolerable, in any Government.

"There was much Weight laid upon the Case of Ford and Hoskyns, 2 Cro. 388, Mo. 842; which is, "That where, by the Custom of the Manor, every. Tenant for Life might name his Successor for his Life, whom the Lord is to admit; if One be named, and the Lord refuses to admit him, it was held an Action on the Case would not lie, because the Nominee had no Right without being admitted." But the Reason given for that Opinion, shews it has no Relation to this Case; for the Plaintiff's Right of voting is vested in him, without any previous Admittance; therefore, though it should be Law, that no Action will lie for not giving a Right, yet certainly an Action must lie, for defrauding and hindering a Man to enjoy a Right that he hath.

"When any Statute requires an Act to be done for the Benefit of another, or to forbear the doing of an Act which may be to his Injury, though no Action be given in express Terms by that Statute for the Omission or Commission; the general Rule of Law in all such Cases is, That the Party injured shall have an Action. Coke, 10 Rep. 75, the Case of The Marshalsea, 12 Rep. 100. Co. Mag. Car. 118. This is a Maxim allowed and approved of in all Ages.

"There is the same Reason, where the Common Law gives a Right, or prohibits doing a Wrong: But, in this Case, an Act of Parliament is not wanting; for the Stat. of West. 1. Cap. 5. enacts, "That Elections shall be free." If he who hath a Right to vote be hindered by him who is to take his Vote, or to manage the Election, that Election is not free; such an Impediment is a manifest Violation of that Statute, as well as an Injury to the Party whose Vote is refused. This Stat. of West. 1. shews what Opinion the King and Parliament had of the great Consequence it was to the whole Realm, that People should have their Freedom in Choice. And though the Common Law was the same before, as appears even by the Statute itself, the Words whereof are, "Elections ought to be free;" yet it was adjudged necessary to add the Sanction of an Act of Parliament thereunto: "The King commandeth, upon great Forfeiture, that no great Man, or other, by Force of Arms, or by Malice or Menaces, shall disturb any to make free Election." The Defendants did not by Force of Arms drive the Plaintiff away from the Election, nor by Menaces deter him; but they did maliciously hinder him (so it is charged by the Plaintiff in the Declaration, and it is found by the Jury to be done by Fraud and Malice); and so the Defendants are Offenders within the very Words of the Statute of West. 1. Where the Law is so clear as to the Right, and the Duty so strictly enjoined by Act of Parliament to be observed, it seems a great Presumption to make it but a light Thing.

"It being apparent that the Plaintiff had a Right, and that the Defendants have done him Wrong; and that, by Consequence of Law, he must have some Remedy to vindicate his Right and to repair the Wrong:

"3. The Third Thing to be shewn is, That the Remedy the Plaintiff, pursued by bringing this Action, is the proper Remedy allowed by the ancient Law of England.

"This Action is that, which is called in the Law, "An Action upon the Case;" that is, founded upon the particular Case of the Party injured.

"The Law, in all Cases of Wrong and Injury, hath provided proper and adequate Remedies.

"1. When a Man is injured in his Person, by being beaten or wounded, the Law gives him an Action of Trespass, Assault, and Battery; if by being imprisoned, an Action of False Imprisonment.

"2. If his Goods be taken away, or Trespass done unto his House or Lands, an Action of Trespass lies, to repair him in Damages.

"3. If a Man hath a Franchise, and is hindered in the Enjoyment thereof, the proper Remedy is by an Action upon the Case.

"The Plaintiff in this Case hath a Privilege and a Franchise; and the Defendants have disturbed him in the Enjoyment thereof in the most essential Part, which is, his Right of voting.

"4. Where any Officer, or Minister of Justice entrusted with the Execution of the Process of Law, does an Injury, an Action of the Case lies against him. If the Sheriff will not execute a Writ, by arresting the Party Defendant, or taking his Goods, the Plaintiff shall have his Action upon the Case, because he refused to do his Duty, to the Plaintiff's Damage.

"The Precept which the Defendants received from the Sheriff, in this Case; was founded upon the King's Writ; and the Defendants are commanded to cause Two Burgesses to be elected for the Borough of Aylsbury, of which they are to give Notice; and to admit every One, who hath a Vote, to make Use of it; if they refuse any Man to vote who hath a Right, they act contrary to the Duty of their Office.

"It was objected, "That it did not appear that the Persons for whom the Plaintiff voted were elected, nor that they would have been elected if his Vote had been admitted."

"The Answer is, "That it is not material, whether the Person for whom the Plaintiff voted was chosen, or would have been chosen if his Vote had been taken: His Right and Privilege is, to give his Suffrage, to be a Party in the Election; if he be excluded from it, he is wronged, though the Persons for whom he would have given his Vote were elected.

"The Right of Action must accrue upon the Refusal of the Vote, and is never to be made better or worse by the Return, which is a Matter ex post facto."

"It was said, in the arguing this Case, "That the Plaintiff had no Damage, or at least that there was no such Injury or Damage done to him as would support an Action."

"The Answer to that is, "That the Law will never imagine any such Thing as Injuria sine Damno; every Injury imports Damage in the Nature of it. If a Man pick a Lock, and come into an House without the Consent of the Owner, perhaps there is no Pecuniary Damage done to the Value of a Farthing, yet the Owner shall have an Action against him, and recover Damages for the Invasion of his Possession and Property. There are many Cases of the same Nature, which have been determined upon this Ground. In the Case between Turner and Starling, 24 Car. II. in Com. Ban. and afterwards in Ban. Reg. the Plaintiff Turner, amongst others, stood to be One of the Bridgemasters of London Bridge, which Officer is to be elected by a Common Hall of the City of London. The Question was, "Who had the greatest Number of Voices?" The Plaintiff demanded the Poll; and the Defendant, being then Lord Mayor of London, refused it. It was adjudged, "That the Action was maintainable for refusing the Poll, because every Candidate has a Right to have it; and though perhaps, if the Poll had been granted to the Plaintiff in that Action, it might have been against him, yet the Denial of that Right was a good Ground of Action."

"Upon the same Reason, the Case 29 E. III. 18. was determined; and also the Case of Hunt and Dowman, 2 Car. 478. 2 Rolls, 21.

"It is apparent, by what has been said, that the Plaintiff in this present Case hath been injured, in being denied his Right; and no good Reason can be assigned, that so affects this Case, as to make it differ from other Cases; though to that Purpose several Matters were urged and insisted upon. As, First, "That this would be the Occasion of many Actions."

"If that be so, there is the greater Reason to support this Action, to punish the many Wrongs that have been done, which will prevent any more of the like Nature. If Offences multiply, Remedies against them ought to be advanced. If other Officers of Boroughs have been, or shall be, guilty of the like Misfeazances as these Defendants have been, it is fit they should be liable, as these Defendants are, to make Satisfaction. If One Man be beaten and imprisoned, is it any Objection against his having an Action, because all others who shall be as evilly treated as he hath been shall have the like Remedies? The only Means to hinder Corruptions, that will soon become frequent among those Officers of Boroughs and Corporations, is to let them see that they are obnoxious to the Law, and that their Purses must make Satisfaction to all whom they shall injure in this Manner. It is true, if One Act which tends to the Injury of many Persons be committed, no One Person injured shall be allowed to have an Action, because the rest might have the same, Co. 5 Rep. 72. Williams's Case, 3 Cr. 664. Fincux versus Hovenden, the Case of not saying Divine Service in a Chapel of a Manor to the Lord and Tenants, or for stopping of a Lane or Common Way, because the Defendant for One Act would have a Multitude of Suits against him; the Injury alike affecting a Multitude. But the Refusal of every Vote is a distinct Act. The Party grieved, whose Vote was denied, can only bring an Action for the Refusal; the others, whose Votes were admitted, are not concerned. And if an Officer denies an Hundred who have a Right, these are a Hundred several Wrongs for which he ought to be liable to as many several Actions: As, if a Man will make it his Business to fling Stones, and shall hit a Hundred several Men, he must make Satisfaction to them all. But surely this is so far from being an Objection, that it is a strong Argument to support the Action; for, if the Mayor or Bailiff of a Borough shall have Liberty to refuse Men who have Votes, he can easily make a Majority to vote on his Side; and then what will become of Elections? The Officer will return him that is elected by a Majority of his own making, by excluding the Votes of others that have a Right.

"This would encourage Officers to be partial and corrupt, and to return divers Persons to be elected in that Manner, who at least must have Possession of Seats in the House of Commons for some Time, and give Voices in the making of Laws and imposing of Taxes, until the Right of Election be determined.

"And though, upon hearing the Cause in the House of Commons, this Matter may be set right at last; yet, what can compensate for the Mischief that may be done to the Kingdom in the mean Time, by the Votes of those who shall be partially returned, and are not the Representatives of the People of the Place who are to choose them?

"Besides, the fore-mentioned Rule against multiplying Actions is confined to such Acts where there is another Remedy to be had; but where there is no other Remedy but an Action, the Wrong-doer must answer to so many several Actions as there are Persons injured. Suppose a Man will plough up the Ground in which a Hundred Persons have Common, he must answer all their Actions. If the Inhabitants of a Town have a Common Watering-place, and a Stranger stops the Current, whereby the Water is diverted; every Inhabitant shall have his Action, because there is no other Remedy.

"The injured Plaintiff, in this Case, has no other Remedy besides this Action: No Indictment lies, because it is a Personal Wrong to the Party, and no Wrong to the Public; but only in the Consequence of it, as an evil Example, which tends to the Encouragement of other such Officers to commit the like Transgressions. Nor is there any Danger to an honest Officer, that means to do his Duty; for where there is a real Doubt touching the Party's Right of voting, and the Officer makes Use of the best Means to be informed, and it is plain his Mistake arose from the Difficulty of the Case, and not from any malicious or partial Design; no Jury will find an Officer guilty in such a Case, nor can any Court direct them to do it, for it is the Fraud and the Malice that entitles the Party to the Action. In this Case, the Defendants knew the Plaintiff to be a Burgess, and yet fraudulently and maliciously hindered him from his Right of voting; and Justice must require, that such an obstinate and unjust ministerial Officer should not escape with Indemnity.

"That the Officer is only ministerial in this Case, and not a Judge, nor acting in a Judicial Capacity, is most plain; his Business is only, to execute the Precept, to assemble the Electors, to make the Election, by receiving their Votes, computing their Numbers, declaring the Election, and returning the Persons elected. The Sheriff, or other Officer of a Borough, is put to no Difficulty in this Case, but what is absolutely necessary in all Cases. If an Execution be against a Man's Goods, the Sheriff must at his Peril take Notice what Goods a Man has."

"Another Objection was made, in respect to the Novelty of the Action; it was said, "Never any such Action was brought."

"In Answer to this Objection, it may be said, "That probably there have not been many Occasions given for bringing such Suits. It is to be hoped, that very few have ever been so presumptuous, as to dare to make an obstinate and malicious Refusal of an undisputed Vote. If the Case has happened before, perhaps the Party, out of Consideration that only small Damages were to be expected, might be discouraged, and think it better to acquiesce. And it is probable, the ill-designing Officer would be at least so cautious, as to refuse the Votes of such Persons only, as he thought, by reason of the Meanness of their Circumstances, were unable to vindicate their Right. It is not every One that has such a true English Spirit as the Plaintiff, who could not sit down meanly under a Wrong done to him in One of the most valuable Privileges of an Englishman. It is not the Novelty of the Action that can be urged against it, if it can be supported by the old Grounds and Principles of Law: The Ground of Law is plain, certain, and indeed universal, That where any Man is injured in his Right, by being either hindered in or deprived of the Enjoyment thereof, the Law gives him an Action to repair himself.

"The Case of Hunt and Dowman, which was 16 Jac. I. A° Domini 1618, of an Action by the Landlord against the Tenant, for hindering him from searching his House to see whether it was in Repair, was never brought before that Time; and that of Turner and Starling was not brought till 23 Car. II.

"The Law of England is not confined to particular Precedents and Cases; but consists in the Reason of them, which is much more extensive than the Circumstance of this or that Case. Ratio Legis est Anima Legis ; et, Ubi eadem Ratio, ibi idem Jus, are known Maxims.

"An Action against the Master of a Ship, for that the Ship lying in the River of Thames was robbed, was maintained upon the same Reason as against a Common Carrier; yet such an Action was never known until 23 Car. II. in the Case of Moss and Slue, I Cr. 15. Jones 93. Palmer 313, Smith and Cranshaw, an Action of the Case was brought, for maliciously, and without any probable Cause, indicting the Plaintiff of High Treason. This was the First Action that was ever brought in such a Case; and yet it was adjudged maintainable, upon the same Reason as upon a malicious Indictment of Felony. 2 Levinz, 250, Heming and Beal, an Action of the Case was brought against the Mayor of a Town, for refusing the Plaintiff to give his vote at the Choice of a new Mayor; and there was not any Scruple made but that the Action did well lie, though that was the First Precedent.

"It is granted, that if a Freeman, who hath a Right to give his Vote for the Choice of a Mayor, be denied his Vote, he may maintain an Action upon the Case.

"There can be no Difference between that Case and this, unless it can be supposed that the Right to vote at the Election of a Mayor is of higher Estimation in the Eye of the Law, than a Right to choose Members to serve in the High Court of Parliament.

"This Action is not only founded upon the Reason of the Common Law, but it hath the Sanction of an Act of Parliament; videlicet, the Statute of West. 2. Cap. 24; which says, "That whensoever from thenceforth it shall fortune in Chancery, that in One Case a Writ is found, and in a like Case falling under like Right, and wanting like Remedy, none is found; the Clerks of the Chancery shall agree in making a Writ, and, by Consent of Men learned in the Law, a Writ shall be made; lest it should happen hereafter, that the King's Court might fail in ministering Justice to Complainants."

"The Objection most insisted on was, "That this is a Matter relating to Parliaments, and ought to be determined by the Law and Custom of Parliaments; and for that Reason, is not cognizable in the Queen's Courts."

"In Answer to this Objection, it was shewed, First, that this Case is proper, in the Nature of it, to be determined in the Queen's Court.

"2. There is no other Provision made for the Plaintiff, who is highly injured in his Right, but by bringing his Action in the Courts of Law, that have Power to determine of Men's Lives, Liberties, and Properties.

"First, the Case, in the Nature of it, is proper for the Queen's Courts. This will be apparent, if the several Rights of electing Members to serve in the House of Commons be considered.

"The Right of choosing Knights of the Shire is founded upon the Elector's Freehold. Matters of Freehold are determinable originally and primarily in the Queen's Courts, by the Rules and Methods of the Common Law, by a Jury sworn, and by the Evidence of Witnesses upon Oath; and as the Right of the Freehold is determinable there, so are all Benefits, Rights, and Advantages, depending thereupon, or belonging thereto.

"If a Freeholder's Voice be refused by a Sheriff, what is it should hinder the Queen's Court from trying and determining this Matter, like all other Questions of Freehold, by a Jury, upon the Oaths of Witnesses, or Evidence in Writing, whether the Plaintiff that supposes himself wronged was a Freeholder or not?

"The Right of choosing Citizens and Burgesses depends either upon Prescription or Custom, or upon Letters Patents. These are also primarily and originally cognizable by the Queen's Courts: Customs and Prescriptions are triable by the Country; that is, by a Jury of Twelve Men of that County, where the Custom is alledged to be. This is known Law in all Cases without Exception.

"And as to Letters Patents, if pleaded specially, the Court must judge of them; and if either Party conceives the Court hath judged amiss, he hath his Remedy by Writ of Error, till at last it comes where it will receive a final Judgement. So that every Right which an Elector can have is proper for the Determination of the Queen's Courts. There are various Ways of Election in different Boroughs; but they all depend upon Charters or Customs, and therefore are not more difficult to determine than other Franchises or Liberties, which depend upon the same Foundations."

"And whereas it was said, "That by a late Act of Parliament in the 7 and 8 W. III. the last Determination of the House of Commons concerning the Right of Elections is to be pursued;" it amounts to no more than this, that the Officer who is to make the Return, is to take Care to return him to be elected, who is chosen by a Majority of Electors, qualified according to the last Determination of the House of Commons: If he does so, he incurs no Danger, he is not liable to an Action. But the House of Commons itself is not bound by that Rule. Now suppose the Officer will deny a Man a Vote, who, according to the last Determination there, ought to have One, and this the Officer did well know; what is it hinders him that had Right according to that Determination from bringing his Action against the Officer who hath injured him? It cannot be the Act of Parliament; for the Queen's Courts are by Law the First and original Expounders of the Statutes of this Realm.

"But Secondly, there is no other Court or Jurisdiction appointed by the Law of England, for determining the Right and repairing this Injury, but the Courts of Westminster.

"It is a general Rule, "That whoever impeaches the Jurisdiction of One Court, must entitle some other Court to have a Jurisdiction of that Cause;" but that is impossible to be done in this Case.

"It was said, "That the Determination of the Right of Elections of Members, to serve in Parliament, is the proper Business of the House of Commons, which they would be always very jealous of, and this Jurisdiction of theirs is uncontested; that they exercise a great Power in that Matter, for they oblige the Officer to alter his Return according to their Judgement; and that they cannot judge of the Right of Election, without determining the Right of the Electors; and if Electors were at Liberty to prosecute Suits, touching their Right of giving Voices, in other Courts, there might be different Judgements, which would make Confusion, and be dishonourable to the House of Commons; and that therefore such an Action was a Breach of their Privilege."

"As to these Objections, several Answers were given.

"It was admitted, that the House of Commons exercise a Jurisdiction in determining the Right of Election of their own Members; and though the Time may be assigned when that Jurisdiction was exercised in another Place, yet there has been a Usage long enough to hinder that Point from being drawn in Question, especially after the Sanction given to it by the Act made in the Seventh Year of King William's Reign.

"But though it be true, that the Merit of the Election of a Member be a proper Subject for the House of Commons to judge of, because they only can give the proper and most effectual Remedy, by excluding the Usurper, and giving the Possession of the Place to him who has the Right; yet there is a great Difference between the Right of the Electors, and the Right of the Elected: The One is a temporary Right to a Place in Parliament pro hac vice; the other is a Freehold, or a Franchise. Who has a Right to sit in the House of Commons, may be properly cognizable there; but who has a Right to choose, is a Matter originally established, even before there is a Parliament; a Man has a Right to his Freehold by the Common Law. And the Law having annexed his Right of voting to his Freehold, it is of the Nature of his Freehold, and must depend upon it. The same Law that gives him his Right, must defend it for him; and any other Power, that will pretend to take away his Right of voting, may as well pretend to take away the Freehold upon which it depends.

"To say the Plaintiff, in this Case, may apply to the House of Commons, is not sufficient, unless proved. Never any single Elector, of any County or Borough, did complain to the House of Commons, that he was debarred of his Vote, and desire them to determine his particular Right.

"Sometimes some of those who have Right to choose, in a Borough, have complained, that Persons have been returned by the Officer who were not duly elected, as being an Injury done to the whole Community of the Borough, to have a Person without Right sit there as their Representative; but this is only to bring the Merits of the Election in Question, of which that House hath Cognizance; and therefore, as incident and necessary thereto, they may try the Right of Electors, which of them, by Custom or Letters Patents, have Voices. But this is no more than all Courts have. In the Ecclesiastical Courts, which proceed according to the Civil Law, if the Suit be originally proper for their Jurisdiction, they have Power to determine Things foreign thereto; as, if Letters Patents or Conveyances of Lands come in Question, though primarily and originally determinable in the Courts of Common Law. Matrimony is properly under the Jurisdiction of the Ecclesiastical Court; and if a Question arises between the supposed married Parties in their Life-time, or upon Dower or Bastardy, it shall be tried and determined there. But when an Action is brought by a Man and Woman, supposing her to be his Wife, if the Defendant pleads in Abatement, that they were not married, it shall be tried by a Jury where the Action was brought. So if any one's Title to Lands depends on a Marriage; if an Action be brought to try the Title, the Marriage may be determined by a Jury. This shews plainly, that, because the House of Commons may determine who are Electors, and who are not, incidentally, and so far only as it is necessary to try the Right of the Election, it doth not follow, that, when the Right of Election is not in Question, they can try the Right of an Elector.

"When the Right of the Candidate is examined in the House of Commons, it is in order to determine which Person hath the Right to join with them in the making of Laws, and other public Services; and if, in order to the determining this Point, the House of Commons must judge of the Electors, they do it only to this Purpose. But the Courts of Law judge of an Elector's Right wholly to another End; as it is a legal Right to assert that, and to repair in Damages the Elector, who is wrongfully hindered from exercising it. This is what the House of Commons cannot do, nor to this Day was there ever any Application made to them to do it; and, it may be reasonably supposed, they will not now begin to take it upon them.

"It commonly takes up a great Part of the Time of a Session, to determine the Cases of Elections, before they can be sure the House is composed of such as have a Right to sit; but, should they once pretend to take Cognizance of particular Mens Complaints, in order to decide the Rights of Electors, it would be impossible for them to have any Leisure to employ themselves about the ardua et urgentia Negotia Regni, the Safety and Defence of the Kingdom, for which the Writ calls them together. It is granted, that the deciding of the Right of Electors is a Matter of great Weight, and in Consequence concerns the Lives and Liberties of the Subjects of England: But the Law hath provided a proper Remedy to be pursued in the ordinary Methods of Justice, a Remedy that is adequate, where Damages may be recovered. The Plaintiff, in this Case, knew he had a Right by Law to give his Vote; and when he found himself deprived of it, he resorts to the Law for his Remedy: And it is probable most of the Electors of England will be of his Mind, and think it for their Interest to resort to the Courts of Westminster Hall, for asserting this great Right of theirs upon Occasion, where they may prove their Case by Witnesses upon Oath, and have their Damages assessed by their Countrymen duly sworn; nothing of which can be done, if they are to seek for a Remedy in the House of Commons.

"Where a Man is injured, if he cannot bring his Action to recover the Thing itself he hath lost by the Injury, the Law will always give him Damages in Lieu thereof.

"It was said, in the Debate of this Case, "That Instances were to be given, where the Party injured did not recover Damages; as in Case where One has a Right of Presentation, and is disturbed, he could not recover Damages at the Common Law; and that was resembled to the Right of an Elector, which was said to be only a Right of Nomination." But the Answer to this Objection is plain. "There the Law gives the Party a Remedy to recover the Presentation, the Thing that was taken from him, to which he is restored by the Judgement. But in the present Case, there is no Possibility for the Plaintiff to recover the Thing he has lost, which was his Vote at the Election; for that Election is over, and can never be had again; so that the Plaintiff cannot possibly have any Reparation, unless it be in Damages; and this Sort of Reparation the House of Commons cannot give him.

"If the Plaintiff, and all other injured Electors, should be obliged to go to the House of Commons for Satisfaction; it may be reasonably supposed, the Parliament may be dissolved, before it could come to his Turn to have his Cause heard. What would be the Consequence of this? If the Plaintiff must be thereby without Remedy, would not the Law be notoriously defective? And yet none will say, that another Parliament did ever take Cognizance of any Injury done upon Account of an Election to a preceding Parliament. But suppose the next House of Commons will determine it, what endless Work would the House of Commons be engaged in! For probably the ensuing Election would make as many new Questions as that which went before, and which the Parliament did not live long enough to dispatch.

"As to what was objected, "That the same Matter may come in Question in the House of Commons, where it may be determined that this Plaintiff hath no Right, so that great Confusion would arise from different Judgements in different Courts;" it is no more than what may happen every Day in Westminster Hall, where the several Courts may be of various Opinions upon the same Question, and yet no Hurt is done to the Public; nay this is no more than happens often in the House of Commons, where the Right of Election, in the same Borough, is decided different Ways in different Parliaments, and they do not think themselves dishonoured by it.

"This Contrariety of Judgement can never appear; for the House of Commons never gives a direct Judgement on this or that individual Elector's Right: The Voting is either upon a general Question of the Right of the Competitors, or where the Right of Election in the Borough is placed; whether all Inhabitants, or those under a particular Qualification, or whether the whole Commonalty, or a selected Number, have Voices; and all these are but Ways and Means to determine the Right of Election.

"If the House of Commons judge of the Right of a particular Elector at any Time, it is only pro ista vice, so far as it relates to the particular Case before them: But surely the House never thought the Elector's Freehold finally concluded thereby, because he is no Party to that Suit; his Right came not there in Question originally; but consequentially, in a Cause litigated between other Persons, to which he is no Party; and it cannot be agreeable to right Reason, or the Principles of Law, for a Man's Right to be conclusively determined in a Cause between other Parties.

"And, after all, where is the Damage to the Public, if there should be a Variety in the Determination of the House of Commons and the Courts of Westminster? It is not impossible in the Nature of Things; for the Courts of Law have great Advantages, which the House of Commons want: They want the Help of Juries, and the Power of giving Oaths; and they ought not to be displeased with their Electors, if they resort to Courts provided with these Powers, for asserting the Right of Election; especially when it is considered, that the Person, whose Pretensions the House of Commons approves of, will sit there, which is all they are concerned in. They are the Elected; and it would be strange, if that should entitle them to challenge the sole Power of deciding the Rights of their Electors, which is indeed to choose their Electors."

"It was urged, as a great Argument against the maintaining this Action, "That it had been adjudged, in the Case of Mr. Onslow, in the 33th of King Charles the Second, That no Action did lie at Common Law, for a false Return of a Member to sit in Parliament; and that, in the Case of Barnadiston and Soames, it was adjudged, the Candidate could not maintain an Action against the Sheriff for a Double Return; and if the Person, elected to serve in Parliament, cannot maintain an Action against the Officer, it was urged a fortiori, that the Person electing, who perhaps is but a Cobler, ought not to be allowed to have such an Action."

"It was answered, "That the Law of England has no Respect to Persons; if an Elector be a Cobler, he is a Freeman of England, and has that great Privilege belonging to him, to be represented in Parliament: It was remembered, with what great Variety of Opinion, among the Judges, that Case of Sir Sam. Barnadiston was determined, and what an Alarm that Judgement gave to the House of Commons, to such a Degree, that in the Session of Parliament, 1679, a Committee was appointed to inquire into it, as a Grievance; and it was observed, that the great Design of the Act of Parliament made in the Seventh Year of the late King (which was often mentioned in the Debate of this Case, to other Purposes) was, to cure the many Inconveniencies arising from that Judgement, and the Judgement in Mr. Onslow's Case, which only followed Barnadiston's, and was judged upon the Authority of it. But there is no Resemblance between those Cases and the Case of an Elector. In Barnadiston's Case, of a Double Return of Members, the Reason on which the Judgement was founded was, thas a Double Return was no Return which the Law took Notice of, but was only allowed of by the Custom of Parliament: When an Officer, who doubts, makes a Double Return, he submits to the Judgement of the House of Commons; and if that House admits of such a Return, as they had often done, it would be hard the Law should subject a Man to an Action, for submitting a Matter of Fact (the Truth of which the Officer doubts) to the Determination of those who have a Jurisdiction of the Matter, and approve the Manner of such a Return.

"In the other Case, of a false Return of a Member, several Reasons may be assigned for the Judgement, which are not applicable to the Case of an Elector: Perhaps it might be, because such a Return is a manifest Injury to every One of the Electors (though principally to the Candidate); and therefore it might fall within the Reason of Williams's Case abovementioned, that every Elector might sue him, and therefore none of them severally can maintain the Action. But there is another Reason very obvious, because the Candidate has a proper Remedy to recover his Place, from which he is excluded by the false Return: The Right of Election is cognizable in the House of Commons; there he will recover his Seat in Parliament, which is what the Law has the principal Regard to; and there is no Reason he should have another Remedy elsewhere.

"It is absurd to say, the Electors Right of choosing is founded upon the Law and Custom of Parliament; it is an original Right, Part of the Constitution of the Kingdom, as much as a Parliament is, and from whence the Persons elected to serve in Parliament do derive their Authority, and can have no other but that which is given to them by those that have the original Right to choose them. This doth not touch the Jurisdiction claimed and exercised by the House of Commons, to try the Right of the Election of their own Members; they who pretend to be admitted to sit there, ought to make out their Right to the House; but there is no Ground to infer from thence, that the House hath Power to try or determine the Right of other Persons, who are not their Members, and do not pretend to any Place amongst them.

"It was said, "That, if this Action were allowed, there would be a Way found out for the Lords to let themselves into, to judge of the Right of the Members of the House of Commons to sit there, and, by Parity of Reason, to judge of their other Privileges, as if Actions were brought for Words spoken in the House of Commons, or other Things happening in that House; which would be of ill Consequence."

"But it was said, in the First Place, "That this Objection was little applicable to the present Case, because it has no Relation to the sitting of that Member, for whom the Elector, who brings his Action, gave his Vote.

"And, Secondly, if Things are so ordered by the Constitution of the English Government, that the ultimate Resort in Point of Judicature is lodged with the Lords; let the Case concern what it will, when it is brought before them by Writ of Error, they are bound to give Judgement one Way or other." And as to the particular Instance mentioned, relating to Words spoken in the House of Commons, it was said, "There never was a greater Attempt made upon Liberty of Speech in the House of Commons, than by the Information brought in the King's Bench, 5 Car. I. against Sir John Elliot, Denzil Holles, and Benjamine Valentine Esquires, for Words spoken in the House of Commons: They pleaded to the Jurisdiction of the Court, as being for what was done in Parliament, and therefore ought not to be examined or punished elsewhere; but Judgement was given against them, and great Fines imposed upon them. (Cro. Car. 181.) In the Parliament which met in 1640, these Proceedings were taken into Consideration with great Warmth; and, the 8th July 1641, it was Resolved, in the House of Commons, "That the exhibiting of that Information was a Breach of the Privilege of Parliament, and that the over-ruling of the Plea to the Jurisdiction of the Court, and the Judgement, and all that followed thereupon, was against the Law and Privilege of Parliament;" and many other severe Votes were passed. Thus the Matter rested, till after the Restoration of King Charles the Second. But, when Things grew to be settled, and there was Leisure to consider of the Consequences of former Proceedings, the House of Commons began to think, that those Votes were not to be depended upon, as a sufficient Security in a Case of so high a Nature, since upon Liberty of Speech all Parliamentary Debates were founded, and they could not think that great Privilege safe, while so solemn a Judgement stood in Force: Therefore, in 1667, the Consideration of this Matter took up a great Part of the Session; and the best Expedient they could find out was, First, to come to a Resolution among themselves, that the Judgement, given 5 Car. I. in that Case, was an illegal Judgement, and against the Freedom and Privilege of Parliament; and then, to present this Resolution of theirs to the Lords, at a Conference; which was done 10 December 1667, and to desire their Concurrence. The next Day the Lords concurred in the Resolution; and, at the same Time, (which was the Thing aimed at and desired by the House of Commons) the Lords ordered the Lord Holles to bring a Writ of Error in Parliament, to the End there might be a Judicial Determination of that great Point; which was done accordingly; and, on the 15th April 1668, that Cause coming to be heard in Parliament, the Judgement, in the King's Bench was reversed, to the great Satisfaction of the House of Commons.

"So little did the House of Commons entertain Jealousies of this Kind, that they themselves resorted to the Judicature of the Lords, in the Manner that has been mentioned, upon so weighty an Occasion."

"It was objected, "That many Inconveniencies would follow, if this Action were allowed;" but they were very sparing in giving particular Instances of those Inconveniencies.

"But nothing is plainer than that, by the Plaintiff's prevailing in this Action, great Inconveniencies will be prevented, and the Subject's Right and Property secured against the Partialities and Corruption of Officers, who are trusted in a Matter of so great Moment as the receiving and allowing their Suffrages upon Elections.

"This tends to encounter false Returns in the First Approach; and to have just Returns, is all the House of Commons ought to desire.

"How endless would the Inconveniencies be, if this Action did not lie! How would Occasions of complaint be multiplied! The Officers, who had the Return, would become the Masters of Elections, and admit and reject Electors as they pleased, with Impunity; for, if the Electors are only to seek for a Remedy before the House of Commons, it would be a Remedy worse than the Disease; the greatest Part of their Cases would never be determined, for Want of Time; and they who could get their Cases heard could have no Amends, that is, no Damages given them for Reparation of the Wrong; besides the Absurdity of having, for the most Part, the Parties to the Injury, those who sit by a false Return, Parties to the Judgement.

"So that, to deny this Action, is to deny the Benefit of the Law, in a Matter of the most tender Concern to an Englishman.

"To pretend it to be a Breach of Privilege of the House of Commons, for an Elector to seek for Remedy at Law, if he be wrongfully excluded of his Vote, is very strange.

"That certainly can never be esteemed a Privilege of Parliament, that is incompatible with the Rights of the People. Every Englishman is entitled to Reparation for the Injuries done to his Rights and Franchises, in the ordinary and common Methods of Justice, where the Juries who try, and the Witnesses who give Evidence, are to be upon their Oaths. Magna Charta, Cap. 29, is very express: "No Freeman shall be disseised of his Freehold, or Liberties, or free Customs, unless by the lawful Judgement of his Peers, or by the Law of the Land."

"By the lawful Judgement of the Peers, in the Case of a Commoner, is meant by a Jury of lawful Men, upon their Oaths.

"If One be injured in such a Manner as the Plaintiff in this Action hath been, no Man can say, that, per Legem Terræ, by the Law of the Land, he can have a Remedy for Satisfaction, and asserting his Right, in the House of Commons. If there be any such Law, it must be either Statute Law or Common Law. No Statute gives him such a Remedy; nor doth the Common Law, because that is constant Usage for Time immemorial; and there is not One Precedent can be produced, that ever any Man, upon such an Occasion, did ever apply to the House of Commons for Relief.

"Upon the Fourteenth Day of January 1703, the House of Lords reversed the Judgement; and gave Judgement, That the Plaintiff should recover."

This State of the Case being read, and approved of, the House came to the following Resolutions; (videlicet,)

"It is Resolved, by the Lords Spiritual and Temporal in Parliament assembled, That, by the known Laws of this Kingdom, every Freeholder, or other Person having a Right to give his Vote at the Election of Members to serve in Parliament, and being wilfully denied or hindered so to do, by the Officer who ought to receive the same, may maintain an Action in the Queen's Courts against such Officer, to assert his Right, and recover Damages for the Injury."

"It is Resolved, by the Lords Spiritual and Temporal in Parliament assembled, That the asserting, that a Person, having Right to give his Vote at an Election, and being hindered so to do by the Officer who ought to take the same, is without Remedy for such Wrong by the ordinary Course of Law, is destructive of the Property of the Subject, against the Freedom of Elections, and manifestly tends to encourage Corruption and Partiality in Officers who are to make Returns to Parliament, and to subject the Freeholders and other Electors to their arbitrary Will and Pleasure."

"It is Resolved, by the Lords Spiritual and Temporal in Parliament assembled, That the declaring Mathew Ashby guilty of a Breach of Privilege of the House of Commons, for prosecuting an Action against the Constables of Aylesbury, for not receiving his Vote at an Election, after he had, in the known and proper Methods of Law, obtained a Judgement in Parliament for Recovery of his Damages, is an unprecedented Attempt upon the Judicature of Parliament, and is, in Effect, to subject the Law of England to the Votes of the House of Commons."

"It is Resolved, by the Lords Spiritual and Temporal in Parliament assembled, That the deterring Electors from prosecuting Actions in the ordinary Course of Law, where they are deprived of their Right of voting, and terrifying Attornies, Solicitors, Counsellors, and Serjeants at Law, from soliciting, prosecuting, and pleading, in such Cases, by voting their so doing to be a Breach of Privilege of the House of Commons, is a manifest assuming a Power to control the Law, to hinder the Course of Justice, and subject the Property of Englishmen to the arbitrary Votes of the House of Commons."

State of the Case to be printed:
"It is ORDERED, by the Lords Spiritual and Temporal in Parliament assembled, That the Report, made from the Lords Committees appointed to draw up the State of the Case, upon the Writ of Error lately depending in this House, wherein Mathew Ashby was Plaintiff, and William White and others Defendants, and the Resolutions made this Day relating thereunto, shall be forthwith printed and published; and that the Lords Committees who drew the said Report, or any Three of them, do give Directions therein."

To be sent to the Sheriffs.
"It is ORDERED, by the Lords Spiritual and Temporal in Parliament assembled, That the Right Honourable the Lord Keeper of the Great Seal of England do send to all the Sheriffs in the several Counties of England and Wales, the State of the Case, upon the Writ of Error lately depending in the House of Peers, wherein Mathew Ashby was Plaintiff, and William White and others Defendants, with the Resolutions of the House of Lords relating thereto; and also do order the several Sheriffs to communicate One of them to each City and Borough within their Precincts; and every Sheriff to have as many Reports sent him, as shall be necessary for each City and Borough to have One."

Iran's supreme leader pardons opposition prisoners

Iran's supreme leader pardons opposition prisoners



TEHRAN, Iran – Iran's supreme leader pardoned 81 jailed opposition supporters who had been found guilty of having a role in the unrest triggered by last June's disputed presidential election.

Wednesday's pardons were seen as a gesture of goodwill by Iran's leaders just days before the anniversary of the June 12 election, when the opposition says it will attempt to mount the first street protests in months. Authorities have warned they will confront any unauthorized gatherings.

Opposition activists took to the streets after last year's vote, claiming President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad won re-election through fraud. Over the weeks, activists broadened their protests to challenge Iran's clerical establishment and were met with a heavy crackdown. More than 100 people were brought before a mass trial and 80 of them were sentenced to death or given prison terms ranging from six months to 15 years.

On Wednesday, Supreme Leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei, acting on a request by the judiciary, granted the pardons. A statement on his website did not identify the prisoners. It said the pardons were made on the occasion of the birthday of the Prophet Muhammad's daughter.

The judiciary's letter to Khamenei requesting the pardons said the prisoners were "deceived in the postelection turmoil."

Opposition leader Mir Hossein Mousavi, who ran against Ahmadinejad last year, has asked authorities for permission of a hold a rally on the June 12 election anniversary.

Iran detained thousands after the last year's election. Many of them were released immediately, but the opposition and human rights groups say hundreds of detainees are still in prisons without any convictions against them.

More than 80 people were killed during the government crackdowns on street protests.

Without prejudice, letter before action to Charles Falconer

Without prejudice, letter before action to Charles Falconer

WITHOUT PREJUDICE

Dear Charles Falconer

Letter before action

Re: Misfeasance in public office and negligence

I have been instructed by Ben Gunn, General Secretary of the Association of Prisoners, to pursue legal action against yourself.

As you are aware, from the Consultation document cp2906 which cited paragraph 82 of Hirst v UK(No2):

"In the light of this paragraph no change would be contrary to the terms of the judgment".

Being aware of this position, it begs the question why you then decided to adopt a policy of no change?

The subtitle of the consultation document reads:

The UK Government’s response to the Grand Chamber of the European Court of Human Rights judgment in the case of Hirst v. The United Kingdom

To do nothing, no change, hardly constitutes a response. Rather it is a non-response.

In oder to show you the difference between a response and a non-response, the Association of Prisoners has decided to sue you personally at private law for the torts of misfeasance in public office and negligence.

If you would prefer to settle outside of court, feel free to make an offer for a full and final settlement.

Yours sincerely

John Hirst, Legal Adviser to the Association of Prisoners.

I hear the MoJ has something to tell the public...

I hear the MoJ has something to tell the public...

A little birdie tells me that in the next couple of days the MoJ will be putting up a statement on prisoner votes on their website...

Given that the UK was under the spotlight by the Committee of Ministers of the Council of Europe yesterday, did William Hague, Foreign Secretary, get his arse kicked? If so, then he will have reported to Kenneth Clarke, Justice Secretary, what the CoM decided at the meeting to supervise execution of ECtHR judgments.

Will the statement be a damage limitation exercise?

Pictures of the day: 3 June 2010

Pictures of the day: 3 June 2010

Burrowing owl siblings peek out from their nest at Green Tree Golf Club in Vacaville, California. Picture: AP

Wednesday, June 02, 2010

Hiding behind tradition

Hiding behind tradition

By Billy Little , from insidetime issue June 2010


How does the prisoners’ right to vote get past the censorship of the tabloid press, asks Billy Little

Since the late 1970s, the United Kingdom has become a place that is governed by politicians who appear more concerned with what the tabloid media have to say about social policies, over and above the will of the people and the judiciary. Just like many other members of society I am, along with thousands more convicted prisoners, sick of knee-jerk, populist policy decisions designed to appease the media rather than resolve the underlying issues. As a collective social body, the public has the right to vote. On the other hand, and despite legislation deeming it unlawful, prisoners remain subject to the 1870 Forfeiture Act, thus denying them the right to vote.

A High Court ruling (4th April 2001) on a Human Rights test case brought by Pearson, Martinez and others made it clear, in no uncertain terms, that the question of sentenced prisoners’ voting was: ‘plainly a matter for Parliament, not the courts’. In an attempt to quell such sedition (imagine, prisoners actually asking to be afforded rights, whatever next!) the ruling was made ‘res judicata’; essentially meaning that in its current form, the case could not be brought before a UK court. However, patience is a virtue that comes with long-term imprisonment and in April 2004 the now infamous (in prison anyway) Hirst v United Kingdom (No.2) has forced politicians in the UK to initiate changes. The primary problem, however, is how does something of this magnitude get presented to the public, when it has to go through the ‘censorship’ of the tabloid press, a vituperative and bloodthirsty media who dictate rather than report. After a series of initial challenges, consultations and appearances within Westminster’s Grand Chamber, it is now only a matter of time, most certainly within the next few years, that all convicted prisoners are empowered with the right to vote.

There are some countries in the world that make a point of furnishing their prisoners with the necessary infrastructure to participate in the electoral process. The vast majority of European Union members allow their prisoners full or partial voting rights. Eighteen European countries, including Ireland, the Netherlands and Spain have no ban. Eight other European countries only have the power to impose a loss of voting right as an additional punishment. The UK is one of only a handful of European countries (all now subject to the Hirst ruling) automatically to disenfranchise sentenced prisoners, the others being: Armenia, Czech Republic, Estonia, Hungary, Luxembourg and Romania. Should a 1999 ruling by the Constitutional Court of South Africa be taken into account over this issue? The courts stated that a ban on prisoners voting was unconstitutional and that: ‘the universality of the franchise is important not only for the nation and the democracy, the vote of each and every citizen is a badge of human dignity and personhood’. If anyone should be heard as an authority on this, then who better than the South Africans, a nation of people who know exactly what the true definitions of inequality, discrimination and human rights are; given their well documented heinous history?

Former Minister for Prisons Paul Goggins claimed that the law should be preserved because it was ‘tradition’. A point that was immediately challenged by Sir Stephen Tumim, retired Chief of Inspector of Prisons who offered: “So was hanging, but we have done away with that one now I believe”. That aside, this notion of ‘tradition’ has somehow managed to asphyxiate the voices of reason and rational debate. Baroness Stern raised the point that the Canadian Supreme court decided that Canadian Prisoners must retain their right to vote because it helps to train them in citizenship and helps their social reintegration (House of Lords - 14th July). Lord Filkin responded to this by asserting that: “for many years it has been part of our society’s tradition that, when people are imprisoned, they lose a range of rights, one of which is the right to participate in elections”.

If we accept that the ‘tradition’ spiel is just another obstruction to be overcome through reason, there remains the notion of citizenship. Many may accept the general definition of a citizen as an individual member of a given political society or state; by extension, one who owes allegiance to and may lawfully demand protection from the government of that state. The more specific sense of the term citizen is closely in accord with the original meaning of the word. In the free republics of classical antiquity, the term citizen signified not merely a resident of a town but a governing member of the state as a whole; citizens had the right to participate in consenting to the legislative and judicial functions of their political community.

Everyone has the right to hold moral, ethical, religious, political and private views on any number of issues; even if you choose not to vote. Everyone has the right to freedom of expression in accordance with the European Convention on Human Rights (ECHR). Nevertheless, in keeping with ‘tradition’, archaic forms of legislation (1870 Forfeiture Act) excluded royalty, peers, lunatics and felons from exercising the privilege of all other citizens, the right to vote. The irony of this is that when it comes to the completion of the ‘Census’ form, something that everyone is required to do as a citizen, convicted prisoners are included in this process. This essentially makes the whole notion a little bit of a cherry-picking farce. It was on these grounds that I refused to complete the 2001 Census form; if it is something that only citizens are permitted to do (those same citizens who have the right to vote) then clearly I am not legally a citizen.

It is not as though changes cannot be made. The real fear from politicians are the inevitable tabloid media backlash headlines (‘serial killers and paedophiles given the right to vote’) that offer nothing more than a sensationalist generalization of the convicted prisoner population.

Finally, with all the talk of politicians being made accountable, surely this extends to legislation that they themselves agree to? In May 1999, the then Home Secretary, Jack Straw, signed up to the ECHR before proudly stating: “These are new rights for the new millennium. The Human Rights Act is a cornerstone of our work to modernize the constitutional legislation the UK has seen”. In accordance to the Hirst v. United Kingdom ruling: Protocol 1 Article 3: ‘There shall be free elections at reasonable intervals by secret ballot, under conditions which ensure the free expression of the opinion of the people in the choice of legislature’. This means each and every individual considered to be a UK citizen, irrespective of current status. To refuse them this right is to discriminate against them, thus, inferring that an offence is being committed under the higher laws of ECHR; laws that clearly state equality is paramount to all human rights. In terms of social exclusion in the UK, the punishment for the crime is more often than not far more than that handed down by the judge.

Billy Little is currently resident at HMP Bullingdon.

Prisoners’ votes could have changed Election result

Prisoners’ votes could have changed Election result

By Eric McGraw, from insidetime issue June 2010


The General Election of 6 May took place without the benefit of some 70,000 votes of sentenced UK nationals in prison. With 160 prisons located in parliamentary constituencies, prisoners’ votes might well have made a big difference to the result. Some 40 constituencies had a majority of less than one thousand.

For the UK to hold a General Election whilst defying the European Court ruling that prisoners have a right to vote has been described as a disgrace. It is also a matter of deep regret for a society that prides itself on the rule of law and democratic accountability.

We know that there were five constituencies, four held by Conservatives and one by Labour, with a majority roughly the same or even less than the population of the local prison. Lancaster and Fleetwood, for example, had a Conservative majority of just 332 while the two prisons in the constituency, Lancaster Farms and Lancaster Castle, could have wiped out the majority, or indeed increased it, if the 750 or so prisoners had voted. A similar story could be told at Newton Abbot in Devon where a Conservative MP scraped through with a parliamentary majority of 523. If the 700 or more prisoners at HMP Channings Wood had voted, they may well have returned a totally different Member of Parliament.

Compensation Claims

In March 2010, the Committee of Ministers of the Council of Europe warned the UK Government that its failure to adopt the Court’s judgement could lead to thousands of compensation claims from prisoners who could take the simple step of filing a claim for damages with the European Court in Strasbourg.

The House of Lords Crossbencher David Pannick QC says he expects the European Court to award each prisoner in the region of £750 and possibly more, considering the long delay in implementing the 2005 ruling. It is difficult to assess how many prisoners would claim compensation but it is fairly certain that if every eligible prisoner claimed, the taxpayers’ bill would be more than £50 million.

Prisoners vote for a hung parliament



It would appear that those in nick agree with Nick Nick...

The Assassination of Daniel Hannan

The Assassination of Daniel Hannan



Britain would vote to leave the EU tomorrow

Daniel Hannan makes this rather wishful and ridiculous statement here.

The problem is that not only is Daniel Hannan a fraud, but the Angus Reid opinion poll on which it is purported to be based is also fraudulent.

Daniel Hannan is equivalent to a Trojan Horse virus on your computer. You remove it by elimination.

Beware of geeks bearing gifts. He sneaked his way into the European Union by becoming a Member of the European Parliament. The reason why I don’t join the BNP is because I am against what they stand for. On the other hand, the reason why Daniel Hannan joined the EU is because he is against what it stands for. He is a declared Eurosceptic.

I say he is septic and should be cut out to ensure he is unable to contaminate the body of the EU.

He is quite happy to receive the benefits of being a MEP. Therefore, he is a benefit cheat. A honourable man would have beome a MP and challenge the EU from the UK. Instead, he worms his way inside of the EU and sets about trying to eat away at the EU. He needs to be flushed out like a floater in the toilet bowl. He is obviously a traitor to the cause of strengthening the EU.

The obvious flaw in the opinion poll is that the people asked the questions were not first asked “What is the extent of your knowledge of the EU?”. To ask people ignorant of the subject questions upon the subject only obtains answers which are not reliable. This is like the media asking politicians for off the cuff quotes. All this produces are soundbites. Whereas, if the politicians were pushed to justify their comments they would not be able to because of their ignorance of the subject. A Prime example is Godfrey Bloom UKIP MEP asked about convicted prisoners human right to the vote.

In my view, the EU should demand that MEPs swear allegiance to the EU. In this way those that try to harm the EU can be excluded to ensure only pro-Europeans get to exercise power within the EU.

Tuesday, June 01, 2010

Europe v UK: A report from the frontline

Europe v UK: A report from the frontline

The UK not only lost the legal battle, Hirst v UK(No2) the Prisoners Votes Case, but it also looks like they will lose the war too. Under the rules of engagement, the UK agreed to surrender sovereignty in relation to the Convention, the Court and Council of Europe. In other words, the UK is not playing at home but away. Europe’s playing field is level. It’s their ball, rules, and referee. It’s a team game, play by the rules or get sent off. Simples.

Once the Court finds a country guilty of a human rights violation, the case is passed to the Committee of Ministers to supervise execution of the judgment. The judgment is divided into individual and general measures. Not only must the country cease the human rights violation in the individual case, but it also must ensure that as a general measure nobody else suffers the same human rights violation. Whereas the UK was only guilty of a single human rights violation, since the General Election and no general measures taken, that figure has gone up to 75,000 human rights violations.

Between 1-3 June the CoM is considering, along with other cases, what to do about the UK’s continued violation of the Convention and failure to comply with the Hirst v UK(No2) judgment. The Labour government saw the CoM as a toothless watchdog. So, did nothing for 5 years. Tomorrow, William Hague, Foreign Secretary, will be leading the Charge of the Light Brigade. However, the watchdog has now got itself a set of sharp dentures. Or, if you like, the big guns are coming out. Extra powers come into play via the Lisbon Treaty, in particular Protocol 14. It is worth bearing in mind that as Russia has recently ratified this, it removes the cover which the UK was shielding behind and has left the UK rather more exposed than one should be going into battle.

The new powers came into force today. This means that Rule 11 ‘infringement proceedings’ can be invoked against the UK, if the CoM decides to proceed along these lines the Member State gets 6 months notice of this intention. However, the CoM can use its discretion and not give 6 months notice. In submissions to the CoM, it has been argued that the UK has delayed compliance for 5 years and does not deserve any more time. Particularly, as another General Election maybe called at anytime. Given that it will already cost the taxpayers £75m in compensation claims by convicted prisoners denied the franchise on 6 May 2010, in these hard economic times it makes no sense to double that figure.

The internet is full of comments stating that the Council of Europe and the European Union are two separate institutions. However, under the Lisbon Treaty the EU acceded to the Convention. This means that when it is an issue of human rights, in effect, the two institutions combine to form one. It is Empire building. Nevertheless, for a human rights defender this is more power to the elbow. The ECtHR and Council of Europe, and ECJ and EU working in harmony. All of this was agreed, signed sealed and delivered, at the Interlaken Conference in February. The Member States all had to re-affirm their commitments to abide by the Convention and Court decisions. The UK was warned by the CoM in March that all prisoners must get the vote before the General Election, or else…
On 8 April 2010, in Frodl v Austria, the Court reaffirmed it’s decision in Hirst v UK(No2). Under the Hirst test, applying the principles of Democracy, Rule of Law and Human Rights, all convicted prisoners must get the vote. For the Sun and Daily Mail and Daily Express readers, this means murderers, rapists and paedophiles will get the vote, along with all the others. Therefore it is irrelevant what the nature of the crime is or length of sentence. The exception to the rule being, for example, someone convicted of electoral fraud because this goes to the heart of the democratic process and there is a discernable link between crime and punishment. On 20 May 2010 the Court in Kiss v Hungary ruled that even those with mental disabilities are entitled to vote. Therefore, those patients in places like Broadmoor and Rampton and Ashworth will be taking over the asylum. That just leaves hereditary peers disenfranchised in this country.

Quite apart from the Committee of Ministers getting new powers to deal with rogue or pariah states, once a case reaches the 5 year stage without compliance by a Member State the CoM raises the stakes. For example, David Cameron recently trumpeted that he would use the UK’s vote to veto financial aid in the Eurozone. What if the CoM said, “No vote for the UK unless prisoners get the vote”? Or, “The UK is suspended from both the Council of Europe and EU”? The UK may even face expulsion. As a rogue or pariah state, none of the other 46 Member States in the Council of Europe and other 25 Member States in the EU will have trade links with the UK.

A careful study of prisoners’ rights shows that the courts favoured the prisoners’ claims when a constitutional point was in issue and the Judiciary felt that its independence was being threatened by either the Executive or Parliament. Similarly, at the Interlaken Conference the Court and CoM felt that their authority was being challenged. Therefore, they have to rise to meet the challenge or get out of town. Other Member States are watching for signs of weakness. Some commentators have already drawn comparisons with Belarus being suspended whereas the UK has so far been allowed to get away with it. The CoM will have felt this barb, and it is expected that the UK will face the ultimatum, fully comply or else leave Europe.

Coming Clean

Coming Clean

By accident or design, the drug misuse that fuels so much of the crime in our communities is being allowed to continue inside prison walls. The true scale of drug misuse is not being properly measured, the ways in which drugs get into prisons are being ignored and drug treatment programmes are failing to get prisoners drug-free, because maintenance programmes and opiate substitutes have become the easy option.

As our report, Coming Clean, argues, the Prison Service needs to be up-front about the issue of staff corruption and a long-term, well-resourced plan for dealing with it needs to be put in place quickly. Proper analysis and recording of how drugs are smuggled will allow guesses to be replaced by facts and will compel the Prison Service to analyse which routes are the most prevalent and effective. In addition, Mandatory Drug Testing needs to be replaced so that the Government has a much better idea of how individual prisons are performing, and of the national picture. Mobile phone use is a growing problem and official figures seriously underestimate the extent to which phones are being smuggled. But tackling this will require a recognition that mobile phones are also used for social purposes: problem mobile phone use can only be dealt with if steps (such as in-cell telephony) are taken to improve prisoners’ contact with their families.

Curbing the supply of drugs and mobile phones will only deal with part of the problem; getting addicts clean and prepared for release is just as crucial to reducing reoffending. To achieve this, drug treatment programmes need to be refocused so that methadone is no longer the first port of call, but instead, acts as more of a last resort where there is a real risk of a short-sentenced prisoner overdosing and dying on release. Clinical guidance should properly reflect the fact that a prison sentence is a chance to get drug-free, not an opportunity to be wasted simply because continuing maintaining a prisoner’s addiction is easier than tackling the underlying causes of offending.

These changes could make a real difference, but they will require a degree of honesty about what has gone wrong and some courage in taking the necessary steps to put things right. If the Prison Service comes clean, prisoners could start to get clean, ending the invidious cycle of addiction and acquisitive crime - and making Britain a safer place.

Max Chambers is a Research Fellow in Policy Exchange's Crime and Justice Unit.

Comment:

If as it is reported that £100m of drugs are smuggled into prisons, and I would not challenge the figure, then you need to take it into account that the prison drug dealers cut this x 10 prior sale to inmates. This means that the £100m is turned into a ten fold profit. It's big business.

It has also been reported, in the US, that one prison guard earned $100,000 from smuggling mobile phones into prison. Once again, this is big business.

The MoJ has stated that it believes there are 1,000 corrupt prison officers. In my view, this figure can safely be doubled.

Personally, I do not see prisoners having mobile phones as a problem. Not all use them to arrange drugs deals or hits on gang members outside. There is the issue of BT charging prisoners 7 x the rate it charges people outside to use public phones. For prisoners, it makes economic sense to cut out BT from the equation.

Had the prison authorities not made such a big deal out of prisoners smoking cannabis, and penalising them heavily, then they would not have turned to heroin to lessen the chance of discovery during a MDT. Cannibis stays in the system for up to 28 days whereas heroin is gone within 36 hours.

Open societies need not let prisoners vote

Open societies need not let prisoners vote

We all have an interest in making the route back to the straight and narrow as broad and attractive as possible

By Tom Sutcliffe

OK. Everyone back to their starting positions. It seems that the election was illegal and we'll have to run the whole damn thing again. Well, possibly. My grasp of the niceties of international and electoral law is fuzzy, to say the least, but given that the last election was conducted in a way that was in knowing violation of the European Convention on Human Rights one assumes a case could be made that the results are invalid.

The breach, incidentally, comes about because prisoners still aren't allowed to vote, six years on from a European Court of Human Rights (ECHR) ruling that the UK's blanket disenfranchisement is unlawful. In the interim, the government has been "consulting" on how to comply – a process which appears to consist of putting the matter on a very high shelf and then conveniently losing the step ladder. And it's not hard to see why the last government (or this one) wouldn't be in a hurry to resolve this matter. The people who stand to gain from a change don't, by definition, have a vote to win. And every party – barring the Lib Dems – fears there are a lot of votes to be lost in bowing to such a directive. This week, though, the body that monitors member states' compliance with ECHR rulings is likely to put further pressure on Britain to actually do something – rather than just pretend to think about it.

There are good arguments for letting prisoners vote. To disenfranchise them, campaigners suggest, may simply aggravate the very alienation that put them in prison in the first place. How can we expect increased civic responsibility from inmates, they say, when we're effectively telling them that they aren't part of civic society at all? Others, such as Lord Hurd, advance a more practical rationale: if prisoners could vote, he once pointed out, politicians might have more of an incentive to take prison reform seriously. Still others insist that this is one of those entitlements – like the right not to be tortured or imprisoned without trial – that marks out civilised countries from uncivilised ones. We are out of step with most European countries in this regard, they point out, and in step with Bulgaria, Armenia and Romania. And yet there are also some very potent emotional arguments against – which tabloid headline writers understand only too well. You can easily write your own: "Give Monster Huntley the Vote Demands Brussels".

Even those who argue in favour of prisoner voting rights concede that the most notorious cases present a difficulty. Erwin James, a former prisoner himself and a thoughtful writer on prison reform, conceded as much when he wrote about this subject last year. "Arguably it would be pointless to allow such prisoners the franchise," he wrote. Which raised a question. Was this merely a tactical concession ("If we insist we'll never win the wider argument"), or was it a genuine acknowledgement that some crimes might deserve the loss of citizenship as well as liberty?

If it's the former then it hardly seems unreasonable for opponents to raise the matter (an argument on principle should work with its most difficult instances, not only its easiest ones). If it's the latter then all we're arguing about is where exactly the line should be drawn. The European Court, after all, doesn't say that all prisoners must be given the vote – only that a blanket disenfranchisement is unacceptable.

The Prison Reform Trust has pressed for the exclusions to be as limited as possible. It's director, Juliet Lyon, recently argued that a 2005 case, Frodl v Austria, sets a precedent requiring "a link between the offence committed and issues relating to elections and democratic institutions". In other words you should only lose your vote if you've been convicted of electoral fraud or something similar. But this takes a ludicrously narrow and technical view of the way crime damages democratic society.

There's always a link. If someone successfully detonates a bomb on a rush-hour train, killing scores of people, it's surely arguable that this is an offence against civil society which might disqualify you, for a time at least, from full participation in it. The government would be foolish (and wrong) to extend its stonewalling on this matter much further. We all have an interest in making the route back to the straight and narrow as broad and attractive as possible – and voting rights might play a part in that. It would be right, though, to insist that the right to vote is not inalienable. You can forfeit it, and once you have, you should have to earn it back.