Photo: Hat-Tip to Prisoners Families Voices
A mixture of law, politics, autobiography and humour. Once described as "The Devilish Advocate" (Guardian), I do have the ability to provoke a response. Sometimes it comes from someone who uses a thought process, and sometimes from jerks usually associated with the knee.
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Sunday, January 31, 2010
Facebook helps prisoners maintain contact with the outside world
Facebook helps prisoners maintain contact with the outside world
I don't see anything wrong in principle with prisoners being able to access the internet, including having a Facebook account. Unfortunately, headlines such as Godfather Colin Gunn used Facebook to run empire from jail
and Ben Kinsella family's fury after knife killer's 'down but not out' Facebook taunt do not help matters.
There will always be some who abuse the system. However, it would appear as though once again we are seeing a knee-jerk reaction from the MoJ. "Earlier this month, relatives of victims of violent crime called for the introduction of electronic anti-social behaviour orders, or ''E-Asbos'' to stop convicted killers bragging online". Electronic-ASBOS whatever next!
For years prisoners have had to put up with hearing and reading attacks upon them in the media without the opportunity to respond. If a prisoner goes too far, then this can be dealt with appropriately. However, just because a prisoner speaks out is not ground to silence his voice. Even if his doing so enrages victims families. That the internet has gone into prisons is just progress.
I don't see anything wrong in principle with prisoners being able to access the internet, including having a Facebook account. Unfortunately, headlines such as Godfather Colin Gunn used Facebook to run empire from jail
and Ben Kinsella family's fury after knife killer's 'down but not out' Facebook taunt do not help matters.
There will always be some who abuse the system. However, it would appear as though once again we are seeing a knee-jerk reaction from the MoJ. "Earlier this month, relatives of victims of violent crime called for the introduction of electronic anti-social behaviour orders, or ''E-Asbos'' to stop convicted killers bragging online". Electronic-ASBOS whatever next!
For years prisoners have had to put up with hearing and reading attacks upon them in the media without the opportunity to respond. If a prisoner goes too far, then this can be dealt with appropriately. However, just because a prisoner speaks out is not ground to silence his voice. Even if his doing so enrages victims families. That the internet has gone into prisons is just progress.
Saturday, January 30, 2010
McCanns: A legal case
McCanns: A legal case
McCanns: A penny for your thoughts
Related story:
McCanns false accounts in relation to Madeleine
McCanns: A penny for your thoughts
Related story:
McCanns false accounts in relation to Madeleine
Bolivian refugee family to get damages from Home Office
Bolivian refugee family to get damages from Home Office
A Bolivian family is to receive damages of thousands of pounds from the Home Office for false imprisonment during a review of the refugees' case.
Carmen Quiroga and her four children, aged three to 11 at the time, spent six weeks in Oakington immigration centre in Cambridgeshire in 2004.
The Home Office accepted they should have been freed when they applied for a judicial review against deportation.
The family was granted the right to stay in the UK in 2008.
Bhatt Murphy Solicitors, representing the family, argued the detention was illegal for reasons including a failure to prioritise the welfare of the children, in contravention of the UN Convention on the Rights of the Child.
Save for the gas chambers, this is rather like the Nazis herding Jews, etc, into cattle trucks and sending them to concentration camps.
A Bolivian family is to receive damages of thousands of pounds from the Home Office for false imprisonment during a review of the refugees' case.
Carmen Quiroga and her four children, aged three to 11 at the time, spent six weeks in Oakington immigration centre in Cambridgeshire in 2004.
The Home Office accepted they should have been freed when they applied for a judicial review against deportation.
The family was granted the right to stay in the UK in 2008.
Bhatt Murphy Solicitors, representing the family, argued the detention was illegal for reasons including a failure to prioritise the welfare of the children, in contravention of the UN Convention on the Rights of the Child.
Save for the gas chambers, this is rather like the Nazis herding Jews, etc, into cattle trucks and sending them to concentration camps.
Friday, January 29, 2010
Prison officer jailed for sex texts to inmate
Prison officer jailed for sex texts to inmate
A prison officer who exchanged romantic text messages with an inmate awaiting trial for rape has been jailed for 21 months at Blackfriars Crown Court.
Lisa Harris, 28, was caught trying to smuggle a mobile phone into Pentonville prison in north London last February.
The court heard Harris had an affair with Daniel Lynch who was convicted of raping his ex-girlfriend and arranging to have acid thrown in her face.
A prison officer who exchanged romantic text messages with an inmate awaiting trial for rape has been jailed for 21 months at Blackfriars Crown Court.
Lisa Harris, 28, was caught trying to smuggle a mobile phone into Pentonville prison in north London last February.
The court heard Harris had an affair with Daniel Lynch who was convicted of raping his ex-girlfriend and arranging to have acid thrown in her face.
Thursday, January 28, 2010
Muslims more likely to rape than native British
Muslims more likely to rape than native British
David Davies MP (Conservative, Monmouth) said some communities had "imported backward, medieval and barbaric" views about women.
An example of what he is talking about is here.
David Davies MP (Conservative, Monmouth) said some communities had "imported backward, medieval and barbaric" views about women.
An example of what he is talking about is here.
Prison officer suspended from Aylesbury jail
Prison officer suspended from Aylesbury jail
A female officer at a Buckinghamshire prison has been suspended over claims she had an inappropriate relationship with an inmate.
The 23-year-old was relieved of her duties at Aylesbury Young Offenders Institute on Friday.
The inmate is a 20-year-old serving three years for weapons offences. An internal inquiry is under way.
In November, a former officer at the prison Kelly-Anne McDade, was jailed when she had a baby with an inmate.
The 31-year-old was sentenced to 30 months at Aylesbury Crown Court after pleading guilty to misconduct in a public office.
She gave birth to a baby boy in February following a relationship with Nelson Delgado, 21.
Judge Christopher Tyrer described her behaviour as "disgraceful".
A female officer at a Buckinghamshire prison has been suspended over claims she had an inappropriate relationship with an inmate.
The 23-year-old was relieved of her duties at Aylesbury Young Offenders Institute on Friday.
The inmate is a 20-year-old serving three years for weapons offences. An internal inquiry is under way.
In November, a former officer at the prison Kelly-Anne McDade, was jailed when she had a baby with an inmate.
The 31-year-old was sentenced to 30 months at Aylesbury Crown Court after pleading guilty to misconduct in a public office.
She gave birth to a baby boy in February following a relationship with Nelson Delgado, 21.
Judge Christopher Tyrer described her behaviour as "disgraceful".
Jailhouselawyer's new media centre
Jailhouselawyer's new media centre
I first came across the LG brand when the Prison Service installed a 14 inch colour TV set in my cell.
This morning I bought a 42 inch LG 42PQ2000 Plasma TV for £449.95 from Richer Sounds in Hull City Centre.
In addition, because it needs a digital ariel that was another £100 to buy and for installation and labour costs. The work was carried out by A1 Masts Ltd of Hull.
Total: £549.95
I decided that it was time I had a TV Licence, and a friend has paid that for me.
I first came across the LG brand when the Prison Service installed a 14 inch colour TV set in my cell.
This morning I bought a 42 inch LG 42PQ2000 Plasma TV for £449.95 from Richer Sounds in Hull City Centre.
In addition, because it needs a digital ariel that was another £100 to buy and for installation and labour costs. The work was carried out by A1 Masts Ltd of Hull.
Total: £549.95
I decided that it was time I had a TV Licence, and a friend has paid that for me.
Wednesday, January 27, 2010
LATEST NEWS ON MADELEINE: Sky News picks up on Jailhouselawyer's story
LATEST NEWS ON MADELEINE: Sky News picks up on Jailhouselawyer's story
Link: See You in court Mr and Mrs McCann
Re: LATEST NEWS ON MADELEINE
posted at 27/1/2010 9:16 PM GMT on Sky News
GMKOMD
Total posts: 45
First post: 12/1/2010
Last post: 28/1/2010
http://www.mccannfiles.com/
http://www.stern.de/panorama/madeleines-eltern-es-gibt-auffaelligkeiten-597291.html
http://hypocriteandliar.wordpress.com/2010/01/18/see-you-in-court-mr-and-mrs-mccann/
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Link: See You in court Mr and Mrs McCann
Re: LATEST NEWS ON MADELEINE
posted at 27/1/2010 9:16 PM GMT on Sky News
GMKOMD
Total posts: 45
First post: 12/1/2010
Last post: 28/1/2010
http://www.mccannfiles.com/
http://www.stern.de/panorama/madeleines-eltern-es-gibt-auffaelligkeiten-597291.html
http://hypocriteandliar.wordpress.com/2010/01/18/see-you-in-court-mr-and-mrs-mccann/
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Portuguese snub the McCanns celebration
Portuguese snub the McCanns celebration
Only 20 people in Portugal believe the McCanns innocent
The arrogant, sneering, grave robber Gerry McCann celebrating 1,000 days of having evaded justice for the disposal of Madeleine's body.
"Kate and Gerry McCann host star-studded fundraiser to mark the 1,000th day since their daughter Maddie went missing"
I am disappointed that people such as Gloria Hunniford, whom I used to respect, attended the McCanns fraudulent money collecting party. She now has a black mark against her name in my book. Fiona Phillips, whoever she is, supports a child killer and a robber of the Coroner's body.
Crime should not pay and the McCanns so far have made their crimes pay. It is past time that they now pay for their crimes.
Only 20 people in Portugal believe the McCanns innocent
The arrogant, sneering, grave robber Gerry McCann celebrating 1,000 days of having evaded justice for the disposal of Madeleine's body.
"Kate and Gerry McCann host star-studded fundraiser to mark the 1,000th day since their daughter Maddie went missing"
I am disappointed that people such as Gloria Hunniford, whom I used to respect, attended the McCanns fraudulent money collecting party. She now has a black mark against her name in my book. Fiona Phillips, whoever she is, supports a child killer and a robber of the Coroner's body.
Crime should not pay and the McCanns so far have made their crimes pay. It is past time that they now pay for their crimes.
Missing: Respect
Missing: Respect
By Astro
The McCanns walking past the spot where they buried Madeleine
"According to several Portuguese newspapers, like for example Diário de NotÃcias, Madeleine McCann’s parents have sent Lusa, the central Portuguese news agency, a press release with information about today’s event in London, that will mark 1000 days after Madeleine disappeared in Praia da Luz.
Said press release states that the fundraiser seeks to collect money for “the investigation into the disappearance of our daughter”.
It further informs that the event is a “private event” and that it is reserved for “people who have significantly helped in the search for Madeleine”.
But what I would really like to know is when the McCanns will host an event to thank those who have actually done something to help search for Madeleine.
The good people of Praia da Luz and from the surrounding areas, who have sacrificed their time, their income, their effort until the limit of their physical strength, to actively search for Madeleine on the days following the disappearance, have not been invited.
The Portuguese policemen, firemen, rescue teams, council staff, the volunteers from so many civil associations who have physically, methodically and thoroughly searched for Madeleine for days on end, have not been invited.
The PolÃcia Judiciária agents who have worked around the clock, under extreme conditions, without proper funding, without free weekends and without holidays, who have been ‘paid’ with insult, humiliation and despise, have not been invited.
Those who have been invited to the McCanns’ party, are those who have either donated hefty amounts to the Madeleine Fund, or are about to do so tonight. That seems to be what Maddie’s parents see as “significantly” helping the search for their daughter.
It has become too common to point out the fact that an investigation into the disappearance of their daughter, carried out by a legitimate police force, either in Portugal or in the UK, would cost Kate and Gerry McCann absolutely no money.
It has become too easy to note that every time one of the couple’s lawyers sits down and writes a letter on their behalf, the pair is probably billed as much as the cost of each one of the tickets to the fundraiser.
It has become too embarrassing to watch what the McCanns’ private investigation, which they seem to choose to the detriment of an investigation by the police, has produced so far.
I am certain that tonight, in Praia da Luz, many people who have not been invited to any “star-studded”, “private” party will, very privately, be thinking of Madeleine Beth McCann.
As they look up into the starry sky, they will know that they have given everything they had, and more, to help search for a little girl that has never been far from their thoughts. And they will go to bed, with a heavy heart - and peace of mind".
By Astro
The McCanns walking past the spot where they buried Madeleine
"According to several Portuguese newspapers, like for example Diário de NotÃcias, Madeleine McCann’s parents have sent Lusa, the central Portuguese news agency, a press release with information about today’s event in London, that will mark 1000 days after Madeleine disappeared in Praia da Luz.
Said press release states that the fundraiser seeks to collect money for “the investigation into the disappearance of our daughter”.
It further informs that the event is a “private event” and that it is reserved for “people who have significantly helped in the search for Madeleine”.
But what I would really like to know is when the McCanns will host an event to thank those who have actually done something to help search for Madeleine.
The good people of Praia da Luz and from the surrounding areas, who have sacrificed their time, their income, their effort until the limit of their physical strength, to actively search for Madeleine on the days following the disappearance, have not been invited.
The Portuguese policemen, firemen, rescue teams, council staff, the volunteers from so many civil associations who have physically, methodically and thoroughly searched for Madeleine for days on end, have not been invited.
The PolÃcia Judiciária agents who have worked around the clock, under extreme conditions, without proper funding, without free weekends and without holidays, who have been ‘paid’ with insult, humiliation and despise, have not been invited.
Those who have been invited to the McCanns’ party, are those who have either donated hefty amounts to the Madeleine Fund, or are about to do so tonight. That seems to be what Maddie’s parents see as “significantly” helping the search for their daughter.
It has become too common to point out the fact that an investigation into the disappearance of their daughter, carried out by a legitimate police force, either in Portugal or in the UK, would cost Kate and Gerry McCann absolutely no money.
It has become too easy to note that every time one of the couple’s lawyers sits down and writes a letter on their behalf, the pair is probably billed as much as the cost of each one of the tickets to the fundraiser.
It has become too embarrassing to watch what the McCanns’ private investigation, which they seem to choose to the detriment of an investigation by the police, has produced so far.
I am certain that tonight, in Praia da Luz, many people who have not been invited to any “star-studded”, “private” party will, very privately, be thinking of Madeleine Beth McCann.
As they look up into the starry sky, they will know that they have given everything they had, and more, to help search for a little girl that has never been far from their thoughts. And they will go to bed, with a heavy heart - and peace of mind".
Escaped killer unit near Bristol is set to close
Escaped killer unit near Bristol is set to close
A mental health unit near Bristol, condemned after an autistic man absconded and raped a 14-year-old girl, looks set to close.
An independent report in 2008 said The Hayes, at Pilning, must change after Darren Harkin, 21, escaped and raped the girl in Chepstow, Monmouthshire.
He had been detained at the unit under the Mental Health Act for over a year after killing his baby stepbrother.
Staff are being consulted on the proposal to close.
A mental health unit near Bristol, condemned after an autistic man absconded and raped a 14-year-old girl, looks set to close.
An independent report in 2008 said The Hayes, at Pilning, must change after Darren Harkin, 21, escaped and raped the girl in Chepstow, Monmouthshire.
He had been detained at the unit under the Mental Health Act for over a year after killing his baby stepbrother.
Staff are being consulted on the proposal to close.
Scotland's only women's prison in 'crisis' state
Scotland's only women's prison in 'crisis' state
The governor of Scotland's only women's prison has admitted that most of those held there should not be in jail.
Teresa Medhurst said many prisoners have such complex problems they actually feel safer at Cornton Vale than at home.
Her remarks come as the Chief Inspector of Prisons, Brig Hugh Monro, said the jail was "in crisis" and "drifting".
His report said the problems are due to overcrowding and the fact the prison has had three governors in 14 months.
The perennial problem of overcrowding causes significant problems - and it has worsened in recent years.
As many as 420 women have been held in the Stirlingshire prison, more than twice as many as 10 years ago.
If Scotland cannot even run its one and only women's prison properly, how can it manage to run the country?
The governor of Scotland's only women's prison has admitted that most of those held there should not be in jail.
Teresa Medhurst said many prisoners have such complex problems they actually feel safer at Cornton Vale than at home.
Her remarks come as the Chief Inspector of Prisons, Brig Hugh Monro, said the jail was "in crisis" and "drifting".
His report said the problems are due to overcrowding and the fact the prison has had three governors in 14 months.
The perennial problem of overcrowding causes significant problems - and it has worsened in recent years.
As many as 420 women have been held in the Stirlingshire prison, more than twice as many as 10 years ago.
If Scotland cannot even run its one and only women's prison properly, how can it manage to run the country?
Tuesday, January 26, 2010
I've seen the light
I've seen the light
I've seen the light
I know why Gerry was so furtive that night
Busy setting the stage
For the disappearance of Madeleine, 3 years of age.
There was not a Tanner let alone an abductor in sight.
"They've taken her. Madeleine has gone" Kate cried
On 3 May 2007, the day that Madeleine died
The McCanns know what they both did
One killed Madeleine and the other her body hid
About the "break-in" they both lied.
The People's new little Princess
The McCanns ask "How to get out of the mess?"
That's simple, you both only have to confess!
Simon Armitage's Madeleine McCann poem
Simon Armitage's poem about Madeleine McCann, published in times2 and to be auctioned for the Find Madeleine campaign
The Beacon
Dusk, doubt, the growing depth of an evening sky,
dark setting in as it did that night,
the forever vastness of outer space
reflecting the emptiness here inside,
shadowing, colouring, clouding the mind.
But somewhere out there there has to be life,
the distance only a matter of time,
a world like our own, its markings and shades
as uniquely formed as a daughter’s eye,
distinctly flecked, undeniably hers,
looking back this way through the miles and years
to a lantern cupping a golden blaze,
its candle alive with a fierce blonde flame
for the thousandth time, for as long as it takes.
I've seen the light
I know why Gerry was so furtive that night
Busy setting the stage
For the disappearance of Madeleine, 3 years of age.
There was not a Tanner let alone an abductor in sight.
"They've taken her. Madeleine has gone" Kate cried
On 3 May 2007, the day that Madeleine died
The McCanns know what they both did
One killed Madeleine and the other her body hid
About the "break-in" they both lied.
The People's new little Princess
The McCanns ask "How to get out of the mess?"
That's simple, you both only have to confess!
Simon Armitage's Madeleine McCann poem
Simon Armitage's poem about Madeleine McCann, published in times2 and to be auctioned for the Find Madeleine campaign
The Beacon
Dusk, doubt, the growing depth of an evening sky,
dark setting in as it did that night,
the forever vastness of outer space
reflecting the emptiness here inside,
shadowing, colouring, clouding the mind.
But somewhere out there there has to be life,
the distance only a matter of time,
a world like our own, its markings and shades
as uniquely formed as a daughter’s eye,
distinctly flecked, undeniably hers,
looking back this way through the miles and years
to a lantern cupping a golden blaze,
its candle alive with a fierce blonde flame
for the thousandth time, for as long as it takes.
Tony Blair faces arrest for war crimes
Tony Blair faces arrest for war crimes
Wanted: Tony Blair for war crimes. Arrest him and claim your reward Chilcot and the courts won't do it, so it is up to us to show that we won't let an illegal act of mass murder go unpunished By George Monbiot The only question that counts is the one that the Chilcot inquiry won't address: was the war with Iraq illegal? If the answer is yes, everything changes. The war is no longer a political matter, but a criminal one, and those who commissioned it should be committed for trial for what the Nuremberg tribunal called "the supreme international crime": the crime of aggression. But there's a problem with official inquiries in the United Kingdom: the government appoints their members and sets their terms of reference. It's the equivalent of a criminal suspect being allowed to choose what the charges should be, who should judge his case and who should sit on the jury. As a senior judge told the Guardian in November: "Looking into the legality of the war is the last thing the government wants. And actually, it's the last thing the opposition wants either because they voted for the war. There simply is not the political pressure to explore the question of legality – they have not asked because they don't want the answer." Others have explored it, however. Two weeks ago a Dutch inquiry, led by a former supreme court judge, found that the invasion had "no sound mandate in international law". Last month Lord Steyn, a former law lord, said that "in the absence of a second UN resolution authorising invasion, it was illegal". In November Lord Bingham, the former lord chief justice, stated that, without the blessing of the UN, the Iraq war was "a serious violation of international law and the rule of law". Under the United Nations charter, two conditions must be met before a war can legally be waged. The parties to a dispute must first "seek a solution by negotiation" (article 33). They can take up arms without an explicit mandate from the UN security council only "if an armed attack occurs against [them]" (article 51). Neither of these conditions applied. The US and UK governments rejected Iraq's attempts to negotiate. At one point the US state department even announced that it would "go into thwart mode" to prevent the Iraqis from resuming talks on weapons inspection (all references are on my website). Iraq had launched no armed attack against either nation. We also know that the UK government was aware that the war it intended to launch was illegal. In March 2002, the Cabinet Office explained that "a legal justification for invasion would be needed. Subject to law officers' advice, none currently exists." In July 2002, Lord Goldsmith, the attorney general, told the prime minister that there were only "three possible legal bases" for launching a war – "self-defence, humanitarian intervention, or UNSC [security council] authorisation. The first and second could not be the base in this case." Bush and Blair later failed to obtain security council authorisation. As the resignation letter on the eve of the war from Elizabeth Wilmshurst, then deputy legal adviser to the Foreign Office, revealed, her office had "consistently" advised that an invasion would be unlawful without a new UN resolution. She explained that "an unlawful use of force on such a scale amounts to the crime of aggression". Both Wilmshurst and her former boss, Sir Michael Wood, will testify before the Chilcot inquiry tomorrow. Expect fireworks. Without legal justification, the war with Iraq was an act of mass murder: those who died were unlawfully killed by the people who commissioned it. Crimes of aggression (also known as crimes against peace) are defined by the Nuremberg principles as "planning, preparation, initiation or waging of a war of aggression or a war in violation of international treaties". They have been recognised in international law since 1945. The Rome statute, which established the international criminal court (ICC) and which was ratified by Blair's government in 2001, provides for the court to "exercise jurisdiction over the crime of aggression", once it has decided how the crime should be defined and prosecuted. There are two problems. The first is that neither the government nor the opposition has any interest in pursuing these crimes, for the obvious reason that in doing so they would expose themselves to prosecution. The second is that the required legal mechanisms don't yet exist. The governments that ratified the Rome statute have been filibustering furiously to delay the point at which the crime can be prosecuted by the ICC: after eight years of discussions, the necessary provision still has not been adopted. Some countries, mostly in eastern Europe and central Asia, have incorporated the crime of aggression into their own laws, though it is not yet clear which of them would be willing to try a foreign national for acts committed abroad. In the UK, where it remains illegal to wear an offensive T-shirt, you cannot yet be prosecuted for mass murder commissioned overseas. All those who believe in justice should campaign for their governments to stop messing about and allow the international criminal court to start prosecuting the crime of aggression. We should also press for its adoption into national law. But I believe that the people of this nation, who re-elected a government that had launched an illegal war, have a duty to do more than that. We must show that we have not, as Blair requested, "moved on" from Iraq, that we are not prepared to allow his crime to remain unpunished, or to allow future leaders to believe that they can safely repeat it. But how? As I found when I tried to apprehend John Bolton, one of the architects of the war in George Bush's government, at the Hay festival in 2008, and as Peter Tatchell found when he tried to detain Robert Mugabe, nothing focuses attention on these issues more than an attempted citizen's arrest. In October I mooted the idea of a bounty to which the public could contribute, payable to anyone who tried to arrest Tony Blair if he became president of the European Union. He didn't of course, but I asked those who had pledged money whether we should go ahead anyway. The response was overwhelmingly positive. So today I am launching a website – www.arrestblair.org – whose purpose is to raise money as a reward for people attempting a peaceful citizen's arrest of the former prime minister. I have put up the first £100, and I encourage you to match it. Anyone meeting the rules I've laid down will be entitled to one quarter of the total pot: the bounties will remain available until Blair faces a court of law. The higher the reward, the greater the number of people who are likely to try. At this stage the arrests will be largely symbolic, though they are likely to have great political resonance. But I hope that as pressure builds up and the crime of aggression is adopted by the courts, these attempts will help to press governments to prosecute. There must be no hiding place for those who have committed crimes against peace. No civilised country can allow mass murderers to move on.">Wanted: Tony Blair for war crimes. Arrest him and claim your reward
Chilcot and the courts won't do it, so it is up to us to show that we won't let an illegal act of mass murder go unpunished
By George Monbiot
The only question that counts is the one that the Chilcot inquiry won't address: was the war with Iraq illegal? If the answer is yes, everything changes. The war is no longer a political matter, but a criminal one, and those who commissioned it should be committed for trial for what the Nuremberg tribunal called "the supreme international crime": the crime of aggression.
But there's a problem with official inquiries in the United Kingdom: the government appoints their members and sets their terms of reference. It's the equivalent of a criminal suspect being allowed to choose what the charges should be, who should judge his case and who should sit on the jury. As a senior judge told the Guardian in November: "Looking into the legality of the war is the last thing the government wants. And actually, it's the last thing the opposition wants either because they voted for the war. There simply is not the political pressure to explore the question of legality – they have not asked because they don't want the answer."
Others have explored it, however. Two weeks ago a Dutch inquiry, led by a former supreme court judge, found that the invasion had "no sound mandate in international law". Last month Lord Steyn, a former law lord, said that "in the absence of a second UN resolution authorising invasion, it was illegal". In November Lord Bingham, the former lord chief justice, stated that, without the blessing of the UN, the Iraq war was "a serious violation of international law and the rule of law".
Under the United Nations charter, two conditions must be met before a war can legally be waged. The parties to a dispute must first "seek a solution by negotiation" (article 33). They can take up arms without an explicit mandate from the UN security council only "if an armed attack occurs against [them]" (article 51). Neither of these conditions applied. The US and UK governments rejected Iraq's attempts to negotiate. At one point the US state department even announced that it would "go into thwart mode" to prevent the Iraqis from resuming talks on weapons inspection (all references are on my website). Iraq had launched no armed attack against either nation.
We also know that the UK government was aware that the war it intended to launch was illegal. In March 2002, the Cabinet Office explained that "a legal justification for invasion would be needed. Subject to law officers' advice, none currently exists." In July 2002, Lord Goldsmith, the attorney general, told the prime minister that there were only "three possible legal bases" for launching a war – "self-defence, humanitarian intervention, or UNSC [security council] authorisation. The first and second could not be the base in this case." Bush and Blair later failed to obtain security council authorisation.
As the resignation letter on the eve of the war from Elizabeth Wilmshurst, then deputy legal adviser to the Foreign Office, revealed, her office had "consistently" advised that an invasion would be unlawful without a new UN resolution. She explained that "an unlawful use of force on such a scale amounts to the crime of aggression". Both Wilmshurst and her former boss, Sir Michael Wood, will testify before the Chilcot inquiry tomorrow. Expect fireworks.
Without legal justification, the war with Iraq was an act of mass murder: those who died were unlawfully killed by the people who commissioned it. Crimes of aggression (also known as crimes against peace) are defined by the Nuremberg principles as "planning, preparation, initiation or waging of a war of aggression or a war in violation of international treaties". They have been recognised in international law since 1945. The Rome statute, which established the international criminal court (ICC) and which was ratified by Blair's government in 2001, provides for the court to "exercise jurisdiction over the crime of aggression", once it has decided how the crime should be defined and prosecuted.
There are two problems. The first is that neither the government nor the opposition has any interest in pursuing these crimes, for the obvious reason that in doing so they would expose themselves to prosecution. The second is that the required legal mechanisms don't yet exist. The governments that ratified the Rome statute have been filibustering furiously to delay the point at which the crime can be prosecuted by the ICC: after eight years of discussions, the necessary provision still has not been adopted.
Some countries, mostly in eastern Europe and central Asia, have incorporated the crime of aggression into their own laws, though it is not yet clear which of them would be willing to try a foreign national for acts committed abroad. In the UK, where it remains illegal to wear an offensive T-shirt, you cannot yet be prosecuted for mass murder commissioned overseas.
All those who believe in justice should campaign for their governments to stop messing about and allow the international criminal court to start prosecuting the crime of aggression. We should also press for its adoption into national law. But I believe that the people of this nation, who re-elected a government that had launched an illegal war, have a duty to do more than that. We must show that we have not, as Blair requested, "moved on" from Iraq, that we are not prepared to allow his crime to remain unpunished, or to allow future leaders to believe that they can safely repeat it.
But how? As I found when I tried to apprehend John Bolton, one of the architects of the war in George Bush's government, at the Hay festival in 2008, and as Peter Tatchell found when he tried to detain Robert Mugabe, nothing focuses attention on these issues more than an attempted citizen's arrest. In October I mooted the idea of a bounty to which the public could contribute, payable to anyone who tried to arrest Tony Blair if he became president of the European Union. He didn't of course, but I asked those who had pledged money whether we should go ahead anyway. The response was overwhelmingly positive.
So today I am launching a website – www.arrestblair.org – whose purpose is to raise money as a reward for people attempting a peaceful citizen's arrest of the former prime minister. I have put up the first £100, and I encourage you to match it. Anyone meeting the rules I've laid down will be entitled to one quarter of the total pot: the bounties will remain available until Blair faces a court of law. The higher the reward, the greater the number of people who are likely to try.
At this stage the arrests will be largely symbolic, though they are likely to have great political resonance. But I hope that as pressure builds up and the crime of aggression is adopted by the courts, these attempts will help to press governments to prosecute. There must be no hiding place for those who have committed crimes against peace. No civilised country can allow mass murderers to move on.
Arrest Blair for crimes against peace
Blair must face justice
Wanted: Tony Blair for war crimes. Arrest him and claim your reward Chilcot and the courts won't do it, so it is up to us to show that we won't let an illegal act of mass murder go unpunished By George Monbiot The only question that counts is the one that the Chilcot inquiry won't address: was the war with Iraq illegal? If the answer is yes, everything changes. The war is no longer a political matter, but a criminal one, and those who commissioned it should be committed for trial for what the Nuremberg tribunal called "the supreme international crime": the crime of aggression. But there's a problem with official inquiries in the United Kingdom: the government appoints their members and sets their terms of reference. It's the equivalent of a criminal suspect being allowed to choose what the charges should be, who should judge his case and who should sit on the jury. As a senior judge told the Guardian in November: "Looking into the legality of the war is the last thing the government wants. And actually, it's the last thing the opposition wants either because they voted for the war. There simply is not the political pressure to explore the question of legality – they have not asked because they don't want the answer." Others have explored it, however. Two weeks ago a Dutch inquiry, led by a former supreme court judge, found that the invasion had "no sound mandate in international law". Last month Lord Steyn, a former law lord, said that "in the absence of a second UN resolution authorising invasion, it was illegal". In November Lord Bingham, the former lord chief justice, stated that, without the blessing of the UN, the Iraq war was "a serious violation of international law and the rule of law". Under the United Nations charter, two conditions must be met before a war can legally be waged. The parties to a dispute must first "seek a solution by negotiation" (article 33). They can take up arms without an explicit mandate from the UN security council only "if an armed attack occurs against [them]" (article 51). Neither of these conditions applied. The US and UK governments rejected Iraq's attempts to negotiate. At one point the US state department even announced that it would "go into thwart mode" to prevent the Iraqis from resuming talks on weapons inspection (all references are on my website). Iraq had launched no armed attack against either nation. We also know that the UK government was aware that the war it intended to launch was illegal. In March 2002, the Cabinet Office explained that "a legal justification for invasion would be needed. Subject to law officers' advice, none currently exists." In July 2002, Lord Goldsmith, the attorney general, told the prime minister that there were only "three possible legal bases" for launching a war – "self-defence, humanitarian intervention, or UNSC [security council] authorisation. The first and second could not be the base in this case." Bush and Blair later failed to obtain security council authorisation. As the resignation letter on the eve of the war from Elizabeth Wilmshurst, then deputy legal adviser to the Foreign Office, revealed, her office had "consistently" advised that an invasion would be unlawful without a new UN resolution. She explained that "an unlawful use of force on such a scale amounts to the crime of aggression". Both Wilmshurst and her former boss, Sir Michael Wood, will testify before the Chilcot inquiry tomorrow. Expect fireworks. Without legal justification, the war with Iraq was an act of mass murder: those who died were unlawfully killed by the people who commissioned it. Crimes of aggression (also known as crimes against peace) are defined by the Nuremberg principles as "planning, preparation, initiation or waging of a war of aggression or a war in violation of international treaties". They have been recognised in international law since 1945. The Rome statute, which established the international criminal court (ICC) and which was ratified by Blair's government in 2001, provides for the court to "exercise jurisdiction over the crime of aggression", once it has decided how the crime should be defined and prosecuted. There are two problems. The first is that neither the government nor the opposition has any interest in pursuing these crimes, for the obvious reason that in doing so they would expose themselves to prosecution. The second is that the required legal mechanisms don't yet exist. The governments that ratified the Rome statute have been filibustering furiously to delay the point at which the crime can be prosecuted by the ICC: after eight years of discussions, the necessary provision still has not been adopted. Some countries, mostly in eastern Europe and central Asia, have incorporated the crime of aggression into their own laws, though it is not yet clear which of them would be willing to try a foreign national for acts committed abroad. In the UK, where it remains illegal to wear an offensive T-shirt, you cannot yet be prosecuted for mass murder commissioned overseas. All those who believe in justice should campaign for their governments to stop messing about and allow the international criminal court to start prosecuting the crime of aggression. We should also press for its adoption into national law. But I believe that the people of this nation, who re-elected a government that had launched an illegal war, have a duty to do more than that. We must show that we have not, as Blair requested, "moved on" from Iraq, that we are not prepared to allow his crime to remain unpunished, or to allow future leaders to believe that they can safely repeat it. But how? As I found when I tried to apprehend John Bolton, one of the architects of the war in George Bush's government, at the Hay festival in 2008, and as Peter Tatchell found when he tried to detain Robert Mugabe, nothing focuses attention on these issues more than an attempted citizen's arrest. In October I mooted the idea of a bounty to which the public could contribute, payable to anyone who tried to arrest Tony Blair if he became president of the European Union. He didn't of course, but I asked those who had pledged money whether we should go ahead anyway. The response was overwhelmingly positive. So today I am launching a website – www.arrestblair.org – whose purpose is to raise money as a reward for people attempting a peaceful citizen's arrest of the former prime minister. I have put up the first £100, and I encourage you to match it. Anyone meeting the rules I've laid down will be entitled to one quarter of the total pot: the bounties will remain available until Blair faces a court of law. The higher the reward, the greater the number of people who are likely to try. At this stage the arrests will be largely symbolic, though they are likely to have great political resonance. But I hope that as pressure builds up and the crime of aggression is adopted by the courts, these attempts will help to press governments to prosecute. There must be no hiding place for those who have committed crimes against peace. No civilised country can allow mass murderers to move on.">Wanted: Tony Blair for war crimes. Arrest him and claim your reward
Chilcot and the courts won't do it, so it is up to us to show that we won't let an illegal act of mass murder go unpunished
By George Monbiot
The only question that counts is the one that the Chilcot inquiry won't address: was the war with Iraq illegal? If the answer is yes, everything changes. The war is no longer a political matter, but a criminal one, and those who commissioned it should be committed for trial for what the Nuremberg tribunal called "the supreme international crime": the crime of aggression.
But there's a problem with official inquiries in the United Kingdom: the government appoints their members and sets their terms of reference. It's the equivalent of a criminal suspect being allowed to choose what the charges should be, who should judge his case and who should sit on the jury. As a senior judge told the Guardian in November: "Looking into the legality of the war is the last thing the government wants. And actually, it's the last thing the opposition wants either because they voted for the war. There simply is not the political pressure to explore the question of legality – they have not asked because they don't want the answer."
Others have explored it, however. Two weeks ago a Dutch inquiry, led by a former supreme court judge, found that the invasion had "no sound mandate in international law". Last month Lord Steyn, a former law lord, said that "in the absence of a second UN resolution authorising invasion, it was illegal". In November Lord Bingham, the former lord chief justice, stated that, without the blessing of the UN, the Iraq war was "a serious violation of international law and the rule of law".
Under the United Nations charter, two conditions must be met before a war can legally be waged. The parties to a dispute must first "seek a solution by negotiation" (article 33). They can take up arms without an explicit mandate from the UN security council only "if an armed attack occurs against [them]" (article 51). Neither of these conditions applied. The US and UK governments rejected Iraq's attempts to negotiate. At one point the US state department even announced that it would "go into thwart mode" to prevent the Iraqis from resuming talks on weapons inspection (all references are on my website). Iraq had launched no armed attack against either nation.
We also know that the UK government was aware that the war it intended to launch was illegal. In March 2002, the Cabinet Office explained that "a legal justification for invasion would be needed. Subject to law officers' advice, none currently exists." In July 2002, Lord Goldsmith, the attorney general, told the prime minister that there were only "three possible legal bases" for launching a war – "self-defence, humanitarian intervention, or UNSC [security council] authorisation. The first and second could not be the base in this case." Bush and Blair later failed to obtain security council authorisation.
As the resignation letter on the eve of the war from Elizabeth Wilmshurst, then deputy legal adviser to the Foreign Office, revealed, her office had "consistently" advised that an invasion would be unlawful without a new UN resolution. She explained that "an unlawful use of force on such a scale amounts to the crime of aggression". Both Wilmshurst and her former boss, Sir Michael Wood, will testify before the Chilcot inquiry tomorrow. Expect fireworks.
Without legal justification, the war with Iraq was an act of mass murder: those who died were unlawfully killed by the people who commissioned it. Crimes of aggression (also known as crimes against peace) are defined by the Nuremberg principles as "planning, preparation, initiation or waging of a war of aggression or a war in violation of international treaties". They have been recognised in international law since 1945. The Rome statute, which established the international criminal court (ICC) and which was ratified by Blair's government in 2001, provides for the court to "exercise jurisdiction over the crime of aggression", once it has decided how the crime should be defined and prosecuted.
There are two problems. The first is that neither the government nor the opposition has any interest in pursuing these crimes, for the obvious reason that in doing so they would expose themselves to prosecution. The second is that the required legal mechanisms don't yet exist. The governments that ratified the Rome statute have been filibustering furiously to delay the point at which the crime can be prosecuted by the ICC: after eight years of discussions, the necessary provision still has not been adopted.
Some countries, mostly in eastern Europe and central Asia, have incorporated the crime of aggression into their own laws, though it is not yet clear which of them would be willing to try a foreign national for acts committed abroad. In the UK, where it remains illegal to wear an offensive T-shirt, you cannot yet be prosecuted for mass murder commissioned overseas.
All those who believe in justice should campaign for their governments to stop messing about and allow the international criminal court to start prosecuting the crime of aggression. We should also press for its adoption into national law. But I believe that the people of this nation, who re-elected a government that had launched an illegal war, have a duty to do more than that. We must show that we have not, as Blair requested, "moved on" from Iraq, that we are not prepared to allow his crime to remain unpunished, or to allow future leaders to believe that they can safely repeat it.
But how? As I found when I tried to apprehend John Bolton, one of the architects of the war in George Bush's government, at the Hay festival in 2008, and as Peter Tatchell found when he tried to detain Robert Mugabe, nothing focuses attention on these issues more than an attempted citizen's arrest. In October I mooted the idea of a bounty to which the public could contribute, payable to anyone who tried to arrest Tony Blair if he became president of the European Union. He didn't of course, but I asked those who had pledged money whether we should go ahead anyway. The response was overwhelmingly positive.
So today I am launching a website – www.arrestblair.org – whose purpose is to raise money as a reward for people attempting a peaceful citizen's arrest of the former prime minister. I have put up the first £100, and I encourage you to match it. Anyone meeting the rules I've laid down will be entitled to one quarter of the total pot: the bounties will remain available until Blair faces a court of law. The higher the reward, the greater the number of people who are likely to try.
At this stage the arrests will be largely symbolic, though they are likely to have great political resonance. But I hope that as pressure builds up and the crime of aggression is adopted by the courts, these attempts will help to press governments to prosecute. There must be no hiding place for those who have committed crimes against peace. No civilised country can allow mass murderers to move on.
Arrest Blair for crimes against peace
Blair must face justice
Officer hurt in disturbance at Addiewell Prison
Officer hurt in disturbance at Addiewell Prison
A prison officer was taken to hospital with head and facial injuries after a disturbance broke out at Scotland's newest prison.
Emergency services were called to Addiewell Prison in West Lothian after up to 10 prisoners rioted on Monday.
The 29-year-old officer was taken to St John's Hospital in Livingston at about 1950 GMT.
His condition has not yet been released. The incident was brought under control a short time later.
It is understood the disturbance was sparked by an inmate being told his methadone was to be reduced.
A spokesman for private company Kalyx, which manages HMP Addiewell for the Scottish Prison Service, said: "We can confirm there was an incident in one of the wings.
"It was brought under control last night. One prison officer was injured."
Perhaps, the headline should have read Junkies junk jail?
A prison officer was taken to hospital with head and facial injuries after a disturbance broke out at Scotland's newest prison.
Emergency services were called to Addiewell Prison in West Lothian after up to 10 prisoners rioted on Monday.
The 29-year-old officer was taken to St John's Hospital in Livingston at about 1950 GMT.
His condition has not yet been released. The incident was brought under control a short time later.
It is understood the disturbance was sparked by an inmate being told his methadone was to be reduced.
A spokesman for private company Kalyx, which manages HMP Addiewell for the Scottish Prison Service, said: "We can confirm there was an incident in one of the wings.
"It was brought under control last night. One prison officer was injured."
Perhaps, the headline should have read Junkies junk jail?
Rape victim receives 101 lashes for becoming pregnant
Rape victim receives 101 lashes for becoming pregnant
A 16-year-old girl who was raped in Bangladesh has been given 101 lashes for conceiving during the assault.
The girl's father was also fined and warned the family would be branded outcasts from their village if he did not pay.
According to human rights activists, the girl, who was quickly married after the attack, was divorced weeks later after medical tests revealed she was pregnant.
The girl was raped by a 20-year-old villager in Brahmanbaria district in April last year.
Bangladesh's Daily Star newspaper reported that she was so ashamed following the attack that she did not lodge a complaint.
Her rape emerged after her pregnancy test and Muslim elders in the village issued a fatwa insisting that the girl be kept in isolation until her family agreed to corporal punishment.
Her rapist was pardoned by the elders. She told the newspaper the rapist had "spoiled" her life.
"I want justice," she said.
This makes me so angry. Giving the rapist a pardon and whipping the girl he made pregnant? How I am feeling right now, if a bomb dropped on the village elders and wiped them all out I wouldn't give a damn!
A 16-year-old girl who was raped in Bangladesh has been given 101 lashes for conceiving during the assault.
The girl's father was also fined and warned the family would be branded outcasts from their village if he did not pay.
According to human rights activists, the girl, who was quickly married after the attack, was divorced weeks later after medical tests revealed she was pregnant.
The girl was raped by a 20-year-old villager in Brahmanbaria district in April last year.
Bangladesh's Daily Star newspaper reported that she was so ashamed following the attack that she did not lodge a complaint.
Her rape emerged after her pregnancy test and Muslim elders in the village issued a fatwa insisting that the girl be kept in isolation until her family agreed to corporal punishment.
Her rapist was pardoned by the elders. She told the newspaper the rapist had "spoiled" her life.
"I want justice," she said.
This makes me so angry. Giving the rapist a pardon and whipping the girl he made pregnant? How I am feeling right now, if a bomb dropped on the village elders and wiped them all out I wouldn't give a damn!
Denis Healy pulls ahead of Diana Johnson MP in race for Hull North
Denis Healy pulls ahead of Diana Johnson MP in race for Hull North
Exclusive
It can be reported that following this post, I also emailed Denis Healy (Lib Dem candidate for Hull North).
Notice that Diana Johnson has promised to support Jailhouselawyer in his make Hull North roads safer campaign? Maybe she is still in the changinging room? In any event, I can safely say that Denis Healy is a man of action and not just someone who says words because he is already off the starting blocks and up and running.
Denis Healy took the time to respond to my email. He did not shut the door in my face. This is what Denis Healy wrote:
"Dear John,
Thanks for contacting me about the incident that occurred on Princes Avenue at the weekend. I'm really concerned to hear about what happened. I have taken up the issue of speeding in Princes Avenue with the Council, who tell me that they haven't heard from Diana Johnson about this".
Let me get this straight, Diana Johnson MP was informed first and Denis Healy informed a late second and yet Denis Healy acted upon the same information first? That puts Denis Healy in front in my books.
I am concerned. Notice that Denis Healy reports that Diana Johnson MP has not been heard of. Shall we send out a search party? I ask because whereas Denis Healy responded personally, when I emailed Diana Johnson MP with the link from my blog post I mentioned that Denis Healy had made an accusation against her. Rather than respond personally, I received an impersonal automated response. Has she been abducted, perhaps by McAliens? For what it's worth, read it yourselves:
"If you have contacted me with an issue that I will need to take action on you should expect to receive a response within the next 3 - 4 weeks".
I don't think that Denis Healy intends to stand about doing nothing for 3 - 4 weeks, whilst Diana Johnson MP is still in the changing room, waiting for her to catch up!
When a child or elderly person may be in danger crossing a main road, safety demands a quicker response than, say, "Oh we'll get around to it, eventually". The spot I mentioned on Princess Avenue, in my view, is a "black spot" where an accident is waiting to happen. This is not alarmist nonsense speaking here. I am acutely aware of the danger of my surroundings. I live, breathe, walk and work in this area and I put survival as the highest priority in my life. When I see my safety threatened I either act or say something to those in authority for them to act in the public's best interests.
This post has been sponsored by:
Personal Injury Claims
No win no fee solicitor
Exclusive
It can be reported that following this post, I also emailed Denis Healy (Lib Dem candidate for Hull North).
Notice that Diana Johnson has promised to support Jailhouselawyer in his make Hull North roads safer campaign? Maybe she is still in the changinging room? In any event, I can safely say that Denis Healy is a man of action and not just someone who says words because he is already off the starting blocks and up and running.
Denis Healy took the time to respond to my email. He did not shut the door in my face. This is what Denis Healy wrote:
"Dear John,
Thanks for contacting me about the incident that occurred on Princes Avenue at the weekend. I'm really concerned to hear about what happened. I have taken up the issue of speeding in Princes Avenue with the Council, who tell me that they haven't heard from Diana Johnson about this".
Let me get this straight, Diana Johnson MP was informed first and Denis Healy informed a late second and yet Denis Healy acted upon the same information first? That puts Denis Healy in front in my books.
I am concerned. Notice that Denis Healy reports that Diana Johnson MP has not been heard of. Shall we send out a search party? I ask because whereas Denis Healy responded personally, when I emailed Diana Johnson MP with the link from my blog post I mentioned that Denis Healy had made an accusation against her. Rather than respond personally, I received an impersonal automated response. Has she been abducted, perhaps by McAliens? For what it's worth, read it yourselves:
"If you have contacted me with an issue that I will need to take action on you should expect to receive a response within the next 3 - 4 weeks".
I don't think that Denis Healy intends to stand about doing nothing for 3 - 4 weeks, whilst Diana Johnson MP is still in the changing room, waiting for her to catch up!
When a child or elderly person may be in danger crossing a main road, safety demands a quicker response than, say, "Oh we'll get around to it, eventually". The spot I mentioned on Princess Avenue, in my view, is a "black spot" where an accident is waiting to happen. This is not alarmist nonsense speaking here. I am acutely aware of the danger of my surroundings. I live, breathe, walk and work in this area and I put survival as the highest priority in my life. When I see my safety threatened I either act or say something to those in authority for them to act in the public's best interests.
This post has been sponsored by:
Personal Injury Claims
No win no fee solicitor
Monday, January 25, 2010
£40,000 for abuse by a prison officer
£40,000 for abuse by a prison officer
A man who was abused by a prison officer, has received £40,000 in compensation claims in a landmark legal ruling.
The court heard that he was sexually abused by a prison officer in the 1970s and 1980s.
It was also said that the officer regularly abused young inmates at the former Medomsley Detention Centre, County Durham.
The judgment is a landmark case, in the sense that now his other personal injury victims have a chance to win justice.
The 43-year-old was an inmate between April and May 1985, at a time when he was just 17 and serving a sentence for burglary and assault.He was too scared to tell anyone about what happened at the time.
After he heard police wanted to speak to the prison officer's victims, he came forth with his ordeal decades later.
The prison officer was jailed for 10 years after two separate criminal cases were brought against him.
His personal injury lawyers were successful in securing an out of court settlement.
The court also heard that the prison officer's colleagues had suspected he was molesting boys at the time but did nothing.
“At least this is some sort of victory to cling to and some sort of closure. I can say that part of my life is over.”
Updated on 25/01/2010
This is not an advert in spite of what some may think. However I have entered into a sponsorship deal with Accidents Direct via MediaBug Ltd, and I visited the site with the intention of getting a copy of their logo and the above story caught my attention. I can see from that why I have become the target of advertisers, it is to reach a target audience. Therefore, I take this opportunity to announce that from this point on one post per week will be sponsored by my backers. I will keep my integrity intact and full editorial control over content posted. Even I have to make a living. Thank you for visting and taking the time to read my blog.
A man who was abused by a prison officer, has received £40,000 in compensation claims in a landmark legal ruling.
The court heard that he was sexually abused by a prison officer in the 1970s and 1980s.
It was also said that the officer regularly abused young inmates at the former Medomsley Detention Centre, County Durham.
The judgment is a landmark case, in the sense that now his other personal injury victims have a chance to win justice.
The 43-year-old was an inmate between April and May 1985, at a time when he was just 17 and serving a sentence for burglary and assault.He was too scared to tell anyone about what happened at the time.
After he heard police wanted to speak to the prison officer's victims, he came forth with his ordeal decades later.
The prison officer was jailed for 10 years after two separate criminal cases were brought against him.
His personal injury lawyers were successful in securing an out of court settlement.
The court also heard that the prison officer's colleagues had suspected he was molesting boys at the time but did nothing.
“At least this is some sort of victory to cling to and some sort of closure. I can say that part of my life is over.”
Updated on 25/01/2010
This is not an advert in spite of what some may think. However I have entered into a sponsorship deal with Accidents Direct via MediaBug Ltd, and I visited the site with the intention of getting a copy of their logo and the above story caught my attention. I can see from that why I have become the target of advertisers, it is to reach a target audience. Therefore, I take this opportunity to announce that from this point on one post per week will be sponsored by my backers. I will keep my integrity intact and full editorial control over content posted. Even I have to make a living. Thank you for visting and taking the time to read my blog.
Jack(anory) Straw and Gordon Brown suffer attack by prisoners families
Jack(anory) Straw and Gordon Brown suffer attack by prisoners families
'Lady in Lake' man Gordon Park found hanged in cell
'Lady in Lake' man Gordon Park found hanged in cell
"Lady in the Lake" killer Gordon Park has been found dead in his prison cell on his 66th birthday.
Park was convicted of the murder of his wife Carol in 2005, nearly 30 years after he killed her and dumped her body in Coniston Water in the Lake District.
He was found hanging in his cell at HMP Garth, Leyland, Lancashire, on Monday. It is believed he took his own life.
The Prisons and Probation Ombudsman will be conducting an investigation into the death.
A Prison Service spokesman said Park was found unconscious in his cell at 0800 GMT on Monday.
He said: "Staff and paramedics attended but Mr Park was pronounced dead at 9.40am."
Welcome to the Hotel California. "You can check-out any time you like,
But you can never leave!" (Eagles).
"Lady in the Lake" killer Gordon Park has been found dead in his prison cell on his 66th birthday.
Park was convicted of the murder of his wife Carol in 2005, nearly 30 years after he killed her and dumped her body in Coniston Water in the Lake District.
He was found hanging in his cell at HMP Garth, Leyland, Lancashire, on Monday. It is believed he took his own life.
The Prisons and Probation Ombudsman will be conducting an investigation into the death.
A Prison Service spokesman said Park was found unconscious in his cell at 0800 GMT on Monday.
He said: "Staff and paramedics attended but Mr Park was pronounced dead at 9.40am."
Welcome to the Hotel California. "You can check-out any time you like,
But you can never leave!" (Eagles).
Jail for man who twisted off cat's head in front of family
Jail for man who twisted off cat's head in front of family
A man who tore the head off a kitten in front of his family has been sentenced to two years and four months in prison.
David Hamuera Snook has also been banned from owning or exercising animals for five years.
The Pukekohe District Court heard how Snook went to his former partner's house drunk, in November, where an argument happened.
Snook then sat at the dining table, took the family kitten in his arms, and while laughing, twisted its head off.
His former partner and her children watched Snook kill the kitten before its headless body ran across the floor, according to the police summary of facts.
Snook later told police that the kitten had been run over, however, in her sentencing Judge Sharon McAuslan said that was a lie.
She described the killing of the kitten as "callous, brutal and cruel".
Let's hope he meets Bulla inside...
A man who tore the head off a kitten in front of his family has been sentenced to two years and four months in prison.
David Hamuera Snook has also been banned from owning or exercising animals for five years.
The Pukekohe District Court heard how Snook went to his former partner's house drunk, in November, where an argument happened.
Snook then sat at the dining table, took the family kitten in his arms, and while laughing, twisted its head off.
His former partner and her children watched Snook kill the kitten before its headless body ran across the floor, according to the police summary of facts.
Snook later told police that the kitten had been run over, however, in her sentencing Judge Sharon McAuslan said that was a lie.
She described the killing of the kitten as "callous, brutal and cruel".
Let's hope he meets Bulla inside...
Fears of 'licence to kill' as Tories bid to change self-defence law
Fears of 'licence to kill' as Tories bid to change self-defence law
A new law to give greater protection to householders is unnecessary and could be a licence to kill, a leading criminal barrister has warned.
Paul Mendelle, QC, chairman of the Criminal Bar Association, says that a change to allow “disproportionate” force would encourage vigilantism.
“The law should always encourage people to be reasonable, not unreasonable; to be proportionate, not disproportionate,” he said, adding that the present law worked perfectly well and was well understood by juries.
If, as the Conservatives propose, the law is changed to allow “disproportionate force”, householders who kill burglars could be acquitted. The issue has been given recent impetus by Munir Hussain, who was originally jailed for beating an intruder, and Myleene Klass, the TV presenter warned after waving a knife at people staring through a window at her home.
On ConHome I accused the Tories of seeking to create a Vigilante Society. It's a Death Wish...
Analysis: Judges need more discretion, not more laws
And what got the Tories knee-jerking to tabloid headlines?
Judge's 'act of mercy' on Munir Hussain fuels row on self-defence
A new law to give greater protection to householders is unnecessary and could be a licence to kill, a leading criminal barrister has warned.
Paul Mendelle, QC, chairman of the Criminal Bar Association, says that a change to allow “disproportionate” force would encourage vigilantism.
“The law should always encourage people to be reasonable, not unreasonable; to be proportionate, not disproportionate,” he said, adding that the present law worked perfectly well and was well understood by juries.
If, as the Conservatives propose, the law is changed to allow “disproportionate force”, householders who kill burglars could be acquitted. The issue has been given recent impetus by Munir Hussain, who was originally jailed for beating an intruder, and Myleene Klass, the TV presenter warned after waving a knife at people staring through a window at her home.
On ConHome I accused the Tories of seeking to create a Vigilante Society. It's a Death Wish...
Analysis: Judges need more discretion, not more laws
And what got the Tories knee-jerking to tabloid headlines?
Judge's 'act of mercy' on Munir Hussain fuels row on self-defence
Pictures of the day: 25 January 2010
Pictures of the day: 25 January 2010
The Soufriere Hills volcano erupts in the Caribbean island of Montserrat
Picture: AP
Heinz Zak calmly tiptoes across a tiny inch-wide strip of material thousands of feet up on his highline at the peak of Germany's highest mountain, the 1,746 m (5,728 ft) high Zugspitze. Picture: HEINZ ZAK / BARCROFT MEDIA
The Soufriere Hills volcano erupts in the Caribbean island of Montserrat
Picture: AP
Heinz Zak calmly tiptoes across a tiny inch-wide strip of material thousands of feet up on his highline at the peak of Germany's highest mountain, the 1,746 m (5,728 ft) high Zugspitze. Picture: HEINZ ZAK / BARCROFT MEDIA
Animal pictures of the week: 22 January 2010
Animal pictures of the week: 22 January 2010
One-year-old twin polar bears Ikor and Kiroru at Sapporo Maruyama Zoo in Sapporo, northern Japan. Picture: REUTERS
One-year-old polar bear Ikor plays with a snowball. The male cubs were born on December 9, 2008. Picture: REUTERS
Litle donkey, little donkey...
Sparky the week-old miniature donkey at Ashington Park Stud in Melbourne, Australia, has a surrogate mum and companion in the form of a teddy bear called Ted. Sparky was rejected by his mother after a difficult birth and now relies on carer Sarah-Jane Lov
Picture: Craig Borrow/Newspix / Rex Features
Fudge the baby Alpaca makes friends with Sparky the week-old miniature donkey at Ashington Park Stud, Melbourne, Australia
Picture: Craig Borrow/Newspix / Rex Features
An otter climbing a tree?
A North American River otter has taken to climbing a15ft Spindle tree at the WWT Slimbridge Wetland Centre, Gloucestershire. Picture: PA
Mike Schelin rides his motocross bike with his dog Opee, an 8 year old blue merle Australian shepherd, in Perris, California
Picture: AP
One-year-old twin polar bears Ikor and Kiroru at Sapporo Maruyama Zoo in Sapporo, northern Japan. Picture: REUTERS
One-year-old polar bear Ikor plays with a snowball. The male cubs were born on December 9, 2008. Picture: REUTERS
Litle donkey, little donkey...
Sparky the week-old miniature donkey at Ashington Park Stud in Melbourne, Australia, has a surrogate mum and companion in the form of a teddy bear called Ted. Sparky was rejected by his mother after a difficult birth and now relies on carer Sarah-Jane Lov
Picture: Craig Borrow/Newspix / Rex Features
Fudge the baby Alpaca makes friends with Sparky the week-old miniature donkey at Ashington Park Stud, Melbourne, Australia
Picture: Craig Borrow/Newspix / Rex Features
An otter climbing a tree?
A North American River otter has taken to climbing a15ft Spindle tree at the WWT Slimbridge Wetland Centre, Gloucestershire. Picture: PA
Mike Schelin rides his motocross bike with his dog Opee, an 8 year old blue merle Australian shepherd, in Perris, California
Picture: AP
MPs expenses scandal: Live pigs blown up in government terrorism experiments
MPs expenses scandal: Live pigs blown up in government terrorism experiments
Live pigs are being blown up as part of a series of government terrorism experiments at Porton Down, the government's secret military research laboratory.
Expenses fiddling MPs with their snouts in the trough
Eighteen pigs wrapped in protective Kevlar blankets were blasted in a bid to help scientists understand more about the effects of bomb blasts on victims.
The animals were placed less than three yards from an explosive. Before being blown up, tubes were inserted into their blood vessels and bladders, and their spleens were removed.
Live pigs are being blown up as part of a series of government terrorism experiments at Porton Down, the government's secret military research laboratory.
Expenses fiddling MPs with their snouts in the troughEighteen pigs wrapped in protective Kevlar blankets were blasted in a bid to help scientists understand more about the effects of bomb blasts on victims.
The animals were placed less than three yards from an explosive. Before being blown up, tubes were inserted into their blood vessels and bladders, and their spleens were removed.
Seven-year-old raises £60,000 for Haiti appeal
Seven-year-old raises £60,000 for Haiti appeal
A seven-year-old boy has raised more than £60,000 to help survivors of the Haitian earthquake after seeing images of children being pulled alive from the rubble.
Charlie Simpson was so upset by the devastation wrought by the earthquake that he told his mother he wanted to do anything he could to help. The boy set out to raise £500 for Unicef's Haiti appeal by riding his bike five miles around his local park – but the schoolboy's efforts inspired hundreds of people online who donated a total of more than £60,000 in just one day.
Charlie, from Fulham, west London, said: ''I just think it was quite sad when I saw the pictures on the TV.'' He asked his mother Leonora to help him create a sponsorship form and added: ''We sent it out on to the web and it just went everywhere.''
Reading this story brought tears of emotion to my eyes. A good feel story.
A seven-year-old boy has raised more than £60,000 to help survivors of the Haitian earthquake after seeing images of children being pulled alive from the rubble.
Charlie Simpson was so upset by the devastation wrought by the earthquake that he told his mother he wanted to do anything he could to help. The boy set out to raise £500 for Unicef's Haiti appeal by riding his bike five miles around his local park – but the schoolboy's efforts inspired hundreds of people online who donated a total of more than £60,000 in just one day.
Charlie, from Fulham, west London, said: ''I just think it was quite sad when I saw the pictures on the TV.'' He asked his mother Leonora to help him create a sponsorship form and added: ''We sent it out on to the web and it just went everywhere.''
Reading this story brought tears of emotion to my eyes. A good feel story.
Thousands of criminals to serve less time in prison under Government plans
Thousands of criminals to serve less time in prison under Government plans
Tens of thousands of criminals will spend less time in prison under Government plans to limit the ability of judges to set jail sentences, an official document has disclosed.
It suggests that officials are alarmed that judges are giving criminals longer sentences than proposed by ministers, which they refer to as “upward sentencing drift”. From April, a new Sentencing Council will effectively force judges to follow sentencing guidelines drawn up in Westminster.
An official assessment of the impact of the move concludes that if judges follow guidelines set down by the council it will avoid the need for more than 1,000 future prison places. This represents tens of thousands of criminals being spared jail time over the next few years.
Tens of thousands of criminals will spend less time in prison under Government plans to limit the ability of judges to set jail sentences, an official document has disclosed.
It suggests that officials are alarmed that judges are giving criminals longer sentences than proposed by ministers, which they refer to as “upward sentencing drift”. From April, a new Sentencing Council will effectively force judges to follow sentencing guidelines drawn up in Westminster.
An official assessment of the impact of the move concludes that if judges follow guidelines set down by the council it will avoid the need for more than 1,000 future prison places. This represents tens of thousands of criminals being spared jail time over the next few years.
Sunday, January 24, 2010
Photos on Sunday: relaxation
Photos on Sunday: relaxation
Gillian Lauder of Winlaton, Tyne and Wear, says: "A fisherman in his element, peaceful surroundings and to top it off, the most beautiful sunset"
Pillow of Snow by Rebecca Lindon. She explains: "A self-portrait taken during the first snowfall of December in my back garden in South Norwood"
Gillian Lauder of Winlaton, Tyne and Wear, says: "A fisherman in his element, peaceful surroundings and to top it off, the most beautiful sunset"
Pillow of Snow by Rebecca Lindon. She explains: "A self-portrait taken during the first snowfall of December in my back garden in South Norwood"
Why should it be a crime to possess a mobile phone?
Why should it be a crime to possess a mobile phone?
Why shouldn't prisoners be allowed access to mobile phones?
Andrew Neilson writes an alarm which should be a wake up call for all those who believe in free speech here.
Just like with the issue of convicted prisoners and the vote, Parliament has not debated the issue of whether prisoners should be allowed access to mobile phones and yet there is an attempt to make it a criminal offence for prisoners to possess a mobile phone with a sentence of up to 2 years in prison.
Given that it cost the taxpayers £40,000 per prison place per year, is it really sensible to fine the taxpayers £80,000 just because somebody is in possession of a mobile phone?
UPDATE: I have just answered my own question posed in the headline
I have just answered my own question...
When the person in question is other than a prisoner, for example, prison officer! The relevant section of the Prison Act 1952 differentiates between any person and a prisoner.
Why shouldn't prisoners be allowed access to mobile phones?
Andrew Neilson writes an alarm which should be a wake up call for all those who believe in free speech here.
Just like with the issue of convicted prisoners and the vote, Parliament has not debated the issue of whether prisoners should be allowed access to mobile phones and yet there is an attempt to make it a criminal offence for prisoners to possess a mobile phone with a sentence of up to 2 years in prison.
Given that it cost the taxpayers £40,000 per prison place per year, is it really sensible to fine the taxpayers £80,000 just because somebody is in possession of a mobile phone?
UPDATE: I have just answered my own question posed in the headline
I have just answered my own question...
When the person in question is other than a prisoner, for example, prison officer! The relevant section of the Prison Act 1952 differentiates between any person and a prisoner.
Saturday, January 23, 2010
Savage by name, savage by nature
Savage by name, savage by nature
Rapist may face more charges after hot tea attack
A rapist could face more charges after he attacked a social worker during his trial.
Jason Savage, 26, was found guilty by a jury at Hull Crown Court of beating two girlfriends and raping two women and a teenage girl.
But during his trial he threw a boiling hot cup of tea at a social worker who had visited him in the prison cells of the court.
The social worker, from Hull City Council, visited Savage to tell him he could have no contact with his children.
I would be very surprised if it was in fact "a boiling hot cup of tea" simply because experience suggests that it was less than boiling hot as they are served cooler for such an occasion as this.
Rapist may face more charges after hot tea attack
A rapist could face more charges after he attacked a social worker during his trial.
Jason Savage, 26, was found guilty by a jury at Hull Crown Court of beating two girlfriends and raping two women and a teenage girl.
But during his trial he threw a boiling hot cup of tea at a social worker who had visited him in the prison cells of the court.
The social worker, from Hull City Council, visited Savage to tell him he could have no contact with his children.
I would be very surprised if it was in fact "a boiling hot cup of tea" simply because experience suggests that it was less than boiling hot as they are served cooler for such an occasion as this.
Man trapped in Channel Tunnel to sue Eurostar
Man trapped in Channel Tunnel to sue Eurostar
A Eurostar passenger stuck on a train for five hours during the series of breakdowns before Christmas is suing the company for compensation for "false imprisonment".
I suspect that like a prisoner lawfully confined, this chap will have difficulty claiming false imprisonment. This requires a deliberate intention to prevent someone from having freedom of movement. Rather, what he is claiming is that the conditions he underwent are totally unacceptable. They are. Unless his claim also extends to negligence, I feel that he is on to a loser with this one.
A Eurostar passenger stuck on a train for five hours during the series of breakdowns before Christmas is suing the company for compensation for "false imprisonment".
I suspect that like a prisoner lawfully confined, this chap will have difficulty claiming false imprisonment. This requires a deliberate intention to prevent someone from having freedom of movement. Rather, what he is claiming is that the conditions he underwent are totally unacceptable. They are. Unless his claim also extends to negligence, I feel that he is on to a loser with this one.
Diana Johnson MP to support Jailhouselawyer's campaign to make Hull's roads safer for pedestrians
Exclusive
Diana Johnson MP to support Jailhouselawyer's campaign to make Hull's roads safer for pedestrians
Last night at approximately 7.15pm, as I took Rocky for his walk and combined it with a visit to a friend's house, we came out of Pearson Park onto Princess Avenue just where the middle of three Zebra Crossings are situated. I witnessed a youth quickly dart across the Zebra Crossing, whereas his companion was more cautious and waited to see if the car coming from Queen's Road direction intended to stop. I saw the car break suddenly and the front end went down rather sharply. I wondered if the driver was obeying the 30MPH speed limit? He did just manage to stop in time and the second youth then walked across. I would have crossed at the same time, however, Rocky had other ideas as he cocked his leg up on the small wall which is the boundary of Pearson Park.
When Rocky finnished his business, and we were ready to cross the Zebra Crossing the car coming from the Queen's Road end stopped to allow us to cross and we started to cross over Princess Avenue. However, I suspected that the driver of the car coming from Spring Bank direction had no intention of stopping so I made sure that Rocky did not walk in front of me and into the path of the oncoming car, and cautiously moved forward. As I suspected, the car continued on its way and in so doing committed a traffic violation by going over a Zebra Crossing when a pedestrian was already on the crossing and almost half way across. The driver of the car behind the offending motorist did stop to allow us to continue our journey in safety.
I stood in the middle of the road long enough to fire a volley of abuse at the disappearing rear end of the car of the motorist who had failed to stop. Then I looked at the road when I had safely crossed. As similar has happened before at this spot to me, and I suspect many others, it signals an accident waiting to happen. This being the case, it could prove fatal for a child or elderly person. In my view, it is sensible to implement road safety measures in this spot.
My idea is for the council to make it a 20 MPH Zone starting just either side of these 3 Zebra Crossings. And because I have noticed that some motorists appear to be oblivious to either the Zebra Crossings or the people waiting to cross, they should be reminded of the need to cut their speed at these spots by the building of speed bumps here as an extra safety precaution.
As it so happens, I pass Diana Johnson's house on my way to my friend's house. And, as luck would have it, she was stood at her front door seeing guests off. Never one to miss opportunities, I ambushed Diana Johnson with my question. I stated my case. She replied that it was the council's responsibility. I pushed her on it, and she did then say that she was prepared to support and raise the issue with the council.
Hull City Council is Lib Dem controlled. And, I did vote for them whereas at the last general election I voted for Diana Johnson and Labour. This time I am not so sure about giving my vote to either Diana Johnson and Labour. Even some of her strongest supporters have expressed this view "all she does is tow the party line". For me that is not a qualification for my vote. I expect more from my MP than just being a nodding dog like those you see in the back of car windows...
Norfolk Blogger: Another good reason to vote Lib Dem in Hull North
Nich's post is in response to this post...
Andrew Allison: Blocked on Twitter by Diana Johnson MP
Diana Johnson MP to support Jailhouselawyer's campaign to make Hull's roads safer for pedestrians
Last night at approximately 7.15pm, as I took Rocky for his walk and combined it with a visit to a friend's house, we came out of Pearson Park onto Princess Avenue just where the middle of three Zebra Crossings are situated. I witnessed a youth quickly dart across the Zebra Crossing, whereas his companion was more cautious and waited to see if the car coming from Queen's Road direction intended to stop. I saw the car break suddenly and the front end went down rather sharply. I wondered if the driver was obeying the 30MPH speed limit? He did just manage to stop in time and the second youth then walked across. I would have crossed at the same time, however, Rocky had other ideas as he cocked his leg up on the small wall which is the boundary of Pearson Park.
When Rocky finnished his business, and we were ready to cross the Zebra Crossing the car coming from the Queen's Road end stopped to allow us to cross and we started to cross over Princess Avenue. However, I suspected that the driver of the car coming from Spring Bank direction had no intention of stopping so I made sure that Rocky did not walk in front of me and into the path of the oncoming car, and cautiously moved forward. As I suspected, the car continued on its way and in so doing committed a traffic violation by going over a Zebra Crossing when a pedestrian was already on the crossing and almost half way across. The driver of the car behind the offending motorist did stop to allow us to continue our journey in safety.
I stood in the middle of the road long enough to fire a volley of abuse at the disappearing rear end of the car of the motorist who had failed to stop. Then I looked at the road when I had safely crossed. As similar has happened before at this spot to me, and I suspect many others, it signals an accident waiting to happen. This being the case, it could prove fatal for a child or elderly person. In my view, it is sensible to implement road safety measures in this spot.
My idea is for the council to make it a 20 MPH Zone starting just either side of these 3 Zebra Crossings. And because I have noticed that some motorists appear to be oblivious to either the Zebra Crossings or the people waiting to cross, they should be reminded of the need to cut their speed at these spots by the building of speed bumps here as an extra safety precaution.
As it so happens, I pass Diana Johnson's house on my way to my friend's house. And, as luck would have it, she was stood at her front door seeing guests off. Never one to miss opportunities, I ambushed Diana Johnson with my question. I stated my case. She replied that it was the council's responsibility. I pushed her on it, and she did then say that she was prepared to support and raise the issue with the council.
Hull City Council is Lib Dem controlled. And, I did vote for them whereas at the last general election I voted for Diana Johnson and Labour. This time I am not so sure about giving my vote to either Diana Johnson and Labour. Even some of her strongest supporters have expressed this view "all she does is tow the party line". For me that is not a qualification for my vote. I expect more from my MP than just being a nodding dog like those you see in the back of car windows...
Norfolk Blogger: Another good reason to vote Lib Dem in Hull North
Nich's post is in response to this post...
Andrew Allison: Blocked on Twitter by Diana Johnson MP
Tories announce flagship prison policy - bring back the prison hulks
Tories announce flagship prison policy - bring back the prison hulks
A prison ship could be reintroduced under the Conservatives.
The plans would enable David Cameron to make good his pledge to find extra prison places.
There will be a need for extra capacity in view of tougher and more “honest” sentencing plans the Conservatives intend to introduce. Under a new Conservative government judges will spell out the minimum and maximum time prisoners can be expected to serve.
Mr Cameron has also promised to abolish the early release scheme, which will have knock-on effects for the prison population. The Conservative leader has vowed to reduce overcrowding and formally end it by 2016.
So, the Tories intend to reduce prison overcrowding by making the situation worse? That is, by increasing the prison population.
Honest and Conservatives do not, in my view, go together.
Judges already spell out the minimum and maximum time a prisoner should serve. Ending early release schemes will only increase overcrowding and give prisoners no incentive to behave in custody to earn early release.
A prison ship could be reintroduced under the Conservatives.
The plans would enable David Cameron to make good his pledge to find extra prison places.
There will be a need for extra capacity in view of tougher and more “honest” sentencing plans the Conservatives intend to introduce. Under a new Conservative government judges will spell out the minimum and maximum time prisoners can be expected to serve.
Mr Cameron has also promised to abolish the early release scheme, which will have knock-on effects for the prison population. The Conservative leader has vowed to reduce overcrowding and formally end it by 2016.
So, the Tories intend to reduce prison overcrowding by making the situation worse? That is, by increasing the prison population.
Honest and Conservatives do not, in my view, go together.
Judges already spell out the minimum and maximum time a prisoner should serve. Ending early release schemes will only increase overcrowding and give prisoners no incentive to behave in custody to earn early release.
Roman Polanski 'will not be sentenced in absentia'
Roman Polanski 'will not be sentenced in absentia'
A judge ruled on Friday that Roman Polanski must return to the US to be sentenced in a decades-old sex case.
Superior Court Judge Peter Espinoza said he ruled "in defence of the integrity of the justice system, he needs to surrender."
His ruling is likely to be appealed.
In my view, he should do his bird. The Americans are fond of the saying, "If you can't do the time don't do the crime".
A judge ruled on Friday that Roman Polanski must return to the US to be sentenced in a decades-old sex case.
Superior Court Judge Peter Espinoza said he ruled "in defence of the integrity of the justice system, he needs to surrender."
His ruling is likely to be appealed.
In my view, he should do his bird. The Americans are fond of the saying, "If you can't do the time don't do the crime".
Friday, January 22, 2010
The mother who created her son's phantom illness
The mother who created her son's phantom illness
Lisa Hayden-Johnson has been jailed for three years and three months after putting her son through years of unnecessary medical treatment.
But how did she use his fake illness to dupe doctors, meet the prime minister and rub shoulders with royalty?
Lisa Hayden-Johnson attracted sympathy and admiration in equal measure.
She seemed to be living every mother's nightmare. Her child, born prematurely, was battling a life-threatening allergy which left him unable to eat.
She was stoically coping with this cruel twist of fate, struggling to make her son as happy as possible.
But it was all a lie.
And what about The mother who created her daughter's phantom abduction?
It was all a lie.
Wasn't it Kate McCann or Gerry's creation which you went along with either willingly or unwillingly?
Lisa Hayden-Johnson has been jailed for three years and three months after putting her son through years of unnecessary medical treatment.
But how did she use his fake illness to dupe doctors, meet the prime minister and rub shoulders with royalty?
Lisa Hayden-Johnson attracted sympathy and admiration in equal measure.
She seemed to be living every mother's nightmare. Her child, born prematurely, was battling a life-threatening allergy which left him unable to eat.
She was stoically coping with this cruel twist of fate, struggling to make her son as happy as possible.
But it was all a lie.
And what about The mother who created her daughter's phantom abduction?
It was all a lie.
Wasn't it Kate McCann or Gerry's creation which you went along with either willingly or unwillingly?
Expenses breach MP Harry Cohen to forfeit resettlement grant
Expenses breach MP Harry Cohen to forfeit resettlement grant
Labour MP Harry Cohen was today ordered to forfeit his £65,000 resettlement grant for a "particularly serious breach" of parliamentary rules.
The Commons Standards and Privileges Committee ruled that he designated a house in Colchester, Essex, as his main home even though he was not living there for long periods and rented it out.
"Mr Cohen's breach was particularly serious and it involved a large sum of public money," the committee said.
"Withholding of the resettlement grant is a severe sanction, which will effectively recover from Mr Cohen a similarly large sum of public money."
Now, how about doing the same to all the other thieving bastards? And then, put them on trial!
Labour MP Harry Cohen was today ordered to forfeit his £65,000 resettlement grant for a "particularly serious breach" of parliamentary rules.
The Commons Standards and Privileges Committee ruled that he designated a house in Colchester, Essex, as his main home even though he was not living there for long periods and rented it out.
"Mr Cohen's breach was particularly serious and it involved a large sum of public money," the committee said.
"Withholding of the resettlement grant is a severe sanction, which will effectively recover from Mr Cohen a similarly large sum of public money."
Now, how about doing the same to all the other thieving bastards? And then, put them on trial!
Judge is refused care authorities’ report in Edlington torture case
Judge is refused care authorities’ report in Edlington torture case
Care authorities have refused to allow a High Court judge to read a confidential report into their handling of two young brothers who sadistically tortured two children and left them for dead.
The report, prompted by an horrific attack on two children aged 9 and 11 in Edlington, near Doncaster, is said to reveal numerous failings by care professionals who dealt with the brothers and their violent family over years. A copy was leaked to the BBC, which says the report details 31 occasions on which nine different agencies failed to take action over the brother’s offending behaviour before the Edlington attack last April.
So, why doesn't the BBC do the right thing and give the judge a copy of the report? I find it incredible that the care authorities are ignoring the judge's request. Perhaps, he should bring them before him and sentence them for contempt of court?
UPDATE: Indefinite detention for 'sadistic' torture boys
Now isn't it time that those who tortured suspected terrorists are put on trial for torture and sentenced?
The findings of a serious case review will be published this afternoon. A copy leaked to the BBC found that various agencies missed more than 30 opportunities to intervene with the family.
Care authorities have refused to allow a High Court judge to read a confidential report into their handling of two young brothers who sadistically tortured two children and left them for dead.
The report, prompted by an horrific attack on two children aged 9 and 11 in Edlington, near Doncaster, is said to reveal numerous failings by care professionals who dealt with the brothers and their violent family over years. A copy was leaked to the BBC, which says the report details 31 occasions on which nine different agencies failed to take action over the brother’s offending behaviour before the Edlington attack last April.
So, why doesn't the BBC do the right thing and give the judge a copy of the report? I find it incredible that the care authorities are ignoring the judge's request. Perhaps, he should bring them before him and sentence them for contempt of court?
UPDATE: Indefinite detention for 'sadistic' torture boys
Now isn't it time that those who tortured suspected terrorists are put on trial for torture and sentenced?
The findings of a serious case review will be published this afternoon. A copy leaked to the BBC found that various agencies missed more than 30 opportunities to intervene with the family.
Thursday, January 21, 2010
In the Blue corner Iain Dale and in the Blue corner Tim Montgomerie
In the Blue corner Iain Dale and in the Blue corner Tim Montgomerie
This made me laugh, the Dynamic Duo from 18DS. Arhhh! The Good Old Days. Cat fight or are the two fighting?
This made me laugh, the Dynamic Duo from 18DS. Arhhh! The Good Old Days. Cat fight or are the two fighting?
Gerry McCann: Does he hire gumshoes because he is in the sticky stuff?
Gerry McCann: Does he hire gumshoes because he is in the sticky stuff?
Facebook 'taunt' fugitive jailed
Facebook 'taunt' fugitive jailed
A fugitive who taunted police by updating his Facebook page while on the run from an open prison in Suffolk has been sentenced to six months.
Craig Lynch, 28, was given the jail term at Woolwich Crown Court for one count of escaping from lawful custody.
He absconded from Hollesley Bay Prison near Woodbridge in September and was arrested in Kent on 12 January.
It used to be the case that a prisoner could only be chrged with escape if he actually broke out of prison, and absconding would be dealt with internally. How times have changed.
A fugitive who taunted police by updating his Facebook page while on the run from an open prison in Suffolk has been sentenced to six months.
Craig Lynch, 28, was given the jail term at Woolwich Crown Court for one count of escaping from lawful custody.
He absconded from Hollesley Bay Prison near Woodbridge in September and was arrested in Kent on 12 January.
It used to be the case that a prisoner could only be chrged with escape if he actually broke out of prison, and absconding would be dealt with internally. How times have changed.
Norfolk magistrates' details sent to prison in error
Norfolk magistrates' details sent to prison in error
The security of magistrates across Norfolk has been compromised after their personal contact details were mistakenly sent to a prison.
The BBC has learned the magistrates' year book, containing names and phone numbers, was accidentally sent for printing to HMP Standford Hill in Kent.
Her Majesty's Courts Service's area director has written to all magistrates to say he is "desperately sorry".
Hard copies of the document at the prison have now been destroyed.
Security procedures have been tightened to ensure the mistake did not happen again, a spokesman for HMCS said.
The details in the book do not include addresses.
The Category D prison, in Sheerness, has had the books since the beginning of January, but the mistake has only just been discovered.
Which screw tipped off the BBC?
The security of magistrates across Norfolk has been compromised after their personal contact details were mistakenly sent to a prison.
The BBC has learned the magistrates' year book, containing names and phone numbers, was accidentally sent for printing to HMP Standford Hill in Kent.
Her Majesty's Courts Service's area director has written to all magistrates to say he is "desperately sorry".
Hard copies of the document at the prison have now been destroyed.
Security procedures have been tightened to ensure the mistake did not happen again, a spokesman for HMCS said.
The details in the book do not include addresses.
The Category D prison, in Sheerness, has had the books since the beginning of January, but the mistake has only just been discovered.
Which screw tipped off the BBC?
The end of innocence: Inside Britain's child prisons
The end of innocence: Inside Britain's child prisons
Paul Vallely: As the Edlington 'torture boys' face sentencing for horrifying violence, can secure children's homes ever offer redemption?
The car turns into the driveway of the large Edwardian house, but it ignores the front door and sweeps on to the low, new brick-built extension at the side of the house. The windows there are of reflective glass. Outsiders can't see in. But the occupants can see out.
As the car approaches, a shutter at the side of the building rises. After the car has entered, it falls. In the control room, where staff survey two banks of close-circuit TV screens – from 16 external and 16 internal cameras – the staff press the button to close the shutter. Only when it has clanged back into place are the car doors opened. Two men get out of the back. So does the small boy who has been sitting between them.
This is not one of the two boys from Edlington, near Doncaster, who will be sentenced this week for a sadistically violent attack committed when they were aged just 10 and 11 on two other boys of similar age. But it is a boy who has committed a crime like that. Only a minority of such cases come to public attention.
The child is one of the 150 children in Britain today who are so violent, sometimes at an age as young as 10, that they have to be locked up. The building is one of 10 secure children's homes throughout England – with innocuous names like Red Bank, Vinney Green, Barton Moss, East Moor, Hillside and Clayfield – which keep them under lock and key, for the protection of the public and, in many cases, for the good of the children themselves.
It was in a home like this that the 10-year-old killers of the toddler James Bulger – Robert Thompson and Jon Venables – served their eight-year sentences. Venables was held in the same unit that had previously held another child killer, Mary Bell, who was also only aged 11 when she was convicted of killing a three-year-old and a four-year-old in two separate attacks. It is to two separate homes like these that the Edlington brothers, the "devil boys" as the tabloids called them, will be taken.
The boy does his best to look composed and confident. But he has lost some of his swagger. He is no longer in control of his own life. That had been brought home to him in the car on the long drive from the courthouse to the secure unit. He had been asked if he would like a McDonald's, since he had been whisked out of the court with no food, and it had been a long drive. But they had stopped at a drive-through, and the food had been passed through the driver's window so the boy had no chance to escape. In the secure unit there are locks on every door, and the keys are on a chain from the manager's belt.
The boy is escorted from the garage across a corridor along which he can hear the noise of other children in the dining room. He glances nervously towards the sound as he is shepherded into a meeting room with a long, narrow table and works of art on the walls, done by previous inmates. There is a painting from the inside of a cave, looking out to the blue-grey daylight. There is a Banksy-style stencil of a black-and-white rock thrower in mid-hurl, his missile replaced by a bunch of flowers. There is a realist daub of a pot of flowers, withered and dead.
"Whether or not they admit it, no matter how hard they are, they're scared," the unit's manager, a social worker with two decades of experience of detaining these children, tells me when the boy is gone. But before that he does an introductory run through of the unit's daily regime.
"We get up at 7.30," he begins. The boy looks shocked, as if he thought that 7.30 only happened in the evening. "Breakfast at 8.15. Then chores – hoovering, dusting – till 8.50. Then education, with lessons till 12.15, including a short break, and then lunch. Then education again until 3.30, after which there is some individual or group work till tea at 4.45. After that it's homework for an hour..."
"Homework?" says the boy, incredulously. "Can't I go on the Xbox?"
"Homework, for one hour, then after that Structured Activities – craftwork, model- making, gym, badminton, table tennis, volleyball," says the manager. "Then after that maybe some time on the Xbox, if you've earned the privilege. We have supper at 8.30 and then it's off to bed with everybody, depending on their age, locked in by 9.30."
"9.30? I don't go to bed at 9.30."
"You do now."
The manager lays down the other rules and sets out the ethos and the expectations of the unit. "We don't tolerate bullying. We don't accept violence or aggression or behaviour that puts others at risk. There is no smoking or alcohol allowed ..." and on he goes, advising the boy not to disclose to the other inmates the reason he has been sentenced. There is a hierarchy of crimes for imprisoned children, as there is for adults, with some seen as glamorous – a response the unit wants to discourage – and others provoking bullying.
At the end, the unit's manager asks: "Have you got any questions?" When the boy says "No", he asks: "Would you like to phone your mum?"
The sooner a child settles in, the less trouble he will be. Arranging an early visit by a mother – even a mother whose behaviour has aggravated their child's delinquency – is a key part of the initial strategy of normalisation.
The boy is conducted down the corridor. "The lights come on automatically, as you pass," the manager tells him. "And cameras film everywhere, except in bedrooms. They record everything – for my safety, as well as yours." He points to a flashing light in a fitting in the ceiling. "That identifies me, and my location, from my pager."
They come to another locked door, with a keypad and a fingerprint scanner by it. "Every resident care worker has his own individual PIN number he must enter. And the scanner only works with a live finger. It wouldn't work if someone had cut it off," he says, and laughs. His is a grim humour, but there is a point to his jokes. "Always tell them everything," he says later. "So they know, and they know you know."
There is nothing here of the atmosphere of a Victorian gaol. There are no bars, but the windows are thick plastic that can't be broken. The doors may look wooden, but that is veneer on a heavy steel core. "Young people are not here to be punished," the manager says afterwards. "The punishment is being locked up."
He takes the boy into the dining room. "Everyone puts on weight here," jokes the manager. "The food is good, with three or four choices including salad, sandwiches and a healthy option. You can get chips, but only on Fridays." The room is served from a hatch with a grille behind it, to prevent the inmates getting hold of the knives in the kitchen.
The boy turns to look at the staff behind the grille. But he is not interested in the food. He is avoiding the gaze of the dozen or so other residents, a mix of boys and girls aged between 12 and 15, although vulnerable boys can be allowed to stay until they are 16 before being sent to a Secure Training Centre, which houses 14-16 year olds, or a Young Offender Institution, for 16-18 year olds.
"Now remember what it was like on your first day," the manager says to the others, introducing the boy by name. "And don't go bombarding him with questions." The kids sit three or four to a table, with an adult. There is a gender mix of staff, who wear their own clothes rather than uniforms as staff do in the units for older children. "We're after something approximating to a parental relationship," says the manager afterwards.
"We use first names here," the manager tells the boy. "Because respect doesn't come from titles. It has to be earned. And that's a two-way thing. If you don't like me, that's alright, but if you call me a fucking knobhead we'll deal with that." It is a warning, but it is matter of fact and contains no menace.
They leave the others to their meal and walk through the unit. In the lounge the television set is boxed into a wooden bookcase with a huge Perspex screen in front of it. "They get smashed," the manager shrugs to me. "You learn the hard way. After 20 years in the job I'm still learning." The locked cupboards contain the unit's DVD collection. "You can only watch films or play games with the appropriate age certificate; there's no Grand Theft Auto in here," he says. "The other cupboards are mainly filled with books. We're very keen on books."
The next room is a classroom with a whiteboard and five computer terminals. In the corner of the room is a carton full of baby dolls, black, white and Chinese-looking. Each has a programmable box in the back. "We use them to teach the kids something about looking after a baby. You can programme them so they wake up every two hours through the night and cry. The cry is piercing. If the doll is tossed aside or thumped, the box will register all that. We give them to boys as well as girls."
But this is just in passing. He is moving through the unit towards the sleeping quarters. Bedrooms, he calls them, but when he opens the last door and ushers the boy inside with the words "This is your room" he might as well use the word "cell".
It is frighteningly austere and spartan. The heavy plastic bed is built into the walls and floor and is topped with a three-inch mattress. The adjoining bathroom has its door locked open and set flush into the wall, so it offers no ligature points from which an inmate might hang himself. For the same reason there is no shelf below the mirror. There is no shower spout; the rose just emerges from the ceiling. There is no shower tray even, the water falls onto the bare floor. Even the hinges of the door have been fully recessed so there is nothing to which a belt, shoelace, shirt or other means of self-harm might be fixed.
No that such pieces of clothing are allowed in the cell. All must be left in a locker outside. Nothing is allowed into the cell which has not been risk-assessed. In the early stages not even photographs of home are allowed. Nor even the teddy bears which some 10-year-olds bring in with them – for these are child-killers who fall asleep sucking their thumbs and often wet the bed, the manager says afterwards. He sees them, though the hatch in the cell door through which a member of staff looks every 20 minutes throughout the night – having turned on the light to make sure they're asleep.
They are not even, at first, allowed a radio, though later they can save for one from the money they can earn for good behaviour. Reinforcing the positive, rather than punishing the negative, is the strategy these units have found, over the years, to be most successful. "When they have earned enough privileges they will be loaned a radio belonging to the unit, but they are very basic ones. They have to be because they often get smashed, as an expression of anger, distress or frustration when Mum or Dad doesn't turn up for a visit, or a phone call with girlfriend outside goes wrong."
The inmates are given 30 minutes' worth of phone calls free each day. "It's not a privilege," says the manager later. "We want to encourage them to talk. It's the first step to everything. Each has an approved list of people they can phone; they can't just can't just ring their Uncle Degsy who turns out to be the bloke they get their drugs from. But even kids who never had time for their mothers outside find they want to talk to their mums once they're in here. It's one of the first changes being locked up brings."
The walls of the cell are bare. A boy may be allowed to put up posters later, but nothing more. "You can't hide much behind a poster," the manager says. It will not be long before the process of small rewards begins. "We can have a good idea by the end of the first week how they are going to behave. It's amazing how quickly residential staff get to know the kids."
Inside the boy looks around the stark cell. The door thuds shut with a deep resonating thud behind him. He lies down on his bed and stares at the high white bare ceiling. A ghostly disembodied voice echoes eerily from the intercom by the hatch in the door. "You alright then?"
He replies with a single word and turns his head into his pillow and begins to cry. They call it a secure children's home. But he is in prison. There is no mistaking that.
No child is born evil. But they are creatures of their parents and of circumstance. Children who commit violent crimes almost always share a similar background. Their parents are poorly educated, unemployed and often suffer from depression or other mental health problems; many are drug abusers or on the fringes of criminality. They often have large families but are also divorced or separated.
An authoritative survey of the mental health of young offenders published in the British Journal of Psychiatry in 2006 studied 301 young criminals aged 10 to 18 years. It found that 74 per cent had a family structure which had broken down, with only 36 per cent of their biological parents still married or cohabiting. More than a third of them had been in care – with many moved frequently from one home or foster home to another. One in three had a borderline learning disability, and one in five had an IQ below 70.
"It's very rare for a child involved with homicide or torture to come from a background with none of these risk factors," says Dr Eileen Vizard, a child and adolescent psychiatrist who runs the National Clinical Assessment and Treatment Service for the NSPCC, and who gave evidence at the Bulger trial.
These risk factors expose such children to a range of damaging experiences. They may witness repeated domestic violence or sexual abuse from an early age. They may be exposed to adults having sex in front of them and may routinely view slasher films or pornography left lying around the house.
"They are brought up with no boundaries, or inappropriate ones," says Pam Hibbert, who was until recently assistant director of policy at the children's charity Barnados and before that was a manager at Red Bank secure unit, where Mary Bell and Jon Venables served their sentences. "Children develop empathy from the way they are treated, not just fed and sheltered, but cuddled and stimulated. But the mothers themselves are often so needy."
Many were themselves brought up by dysfunctional parents who transmit their inadequacies to a new generation.
Inconsistency is one of their hallmarks. "One night they get a crack around the head from their mum because she's pissed; the next they get a cuddle; they just never know where they are," says Gareth Jones, one of the country's senior Youth Offending Team managers – who are the first members of the justice system to come into contact with such children when they break the law.
Typically, the inconsistency extends to discipline. These children are often allowed to roam the streets unchecked, but then arbitrarily subjected to harsh punishments.
The father of the Edlington boys was a violent alcoholic whose idea of instilling discipline was beating his children with golf clubs. He enjoyed forcing his sons – one of whom has been serving a sentence for mugging a woman of 68 at knife-point – to fight one another; if they refused, he hit them. He showed them violent and sadistic DVDs. Their mother, who has seven sons by three different fathers, admitted that she gave the boys cannabis to calm them down afterwards. At other times, neighbours reported, the young brothers were left to their own devices and were regularly seen scavenging for food or clothing which they pulled from skips.
"Such erratic and inconsistent behaviour, veering from the extremely harsh to the indifferent, cannot be called discipline," says Pam Hibbert.
Though the tabloid press routinely uses phrases like "evil" and "monsters" to describe children who commit horrendous crimes, it is hard to escape the bald conclusion that such kids are victims too. The criminologist Professor Gwyneth Boswell of Boswell Research Fellows and the School of Allied Health Professions, University of East Anglia, researched 200 children convicted of extreme offences throughout the Nineties. She discovered that 91 per cent of killers and violent kids had experienced physical, sexual or emotional abuse or had experienced some form of traumatic loss like the death or disappearance of a parent. More than a third had undergone both abuse and traumatic loss.
When Mary Bell killed two small children in 1968, the nation was shocked by the details of the murders. She had strangled the boys but in one case she had taken a pair of broken scissors and made light cuts to his genitals after the little child was dead. But what did not come out at the time was that Mary's mother, a prostitute who had tried to kill Mary on several occasions, had forced the five-year-old girl to perform oral sex acts with her clients.
"The public rarely gets to hear about backgrounds like Mary Bell's amid all the salacious material from the court case," Professor Boswell says. Even so, a large number of children in Britain today grow up in the heavily disadvantaged circumstances that all these academic studies reveal, yet only a tiny percentage grow into violent criminals. What are the extra factors which tip them into extreme violence?
Until recently it had become the received wisdom that in the old nature/nurture debate it was the way a child was brought up which was the key determinant. Violent children perhaps had lacked any positive influence from a significant adult, like a supportive teacher or relative. But more recent research is turning the spotlight also back onto the physiology of the child's brain, genetic influences and neuropsychological deficits.
New technologies like brain mapping are providing medical evidence to suggest that behaviour affects the physical development of the brain. "The way these children have been treated early in life can affect the size and functioning of the brain," says Dr Vizard. "It can be altered by neglect. The frontal lobes, which are to do with executive function and empathy, can be physically different; the circuiting in the brain has been affected. So we're not looking here at risk factors or brain function, but a complex interaction between both."
What is exercising Dr Vizard is whether psychiatrists and forensic psychologists might be able to predict that interaction. Her research suggests that there are two types of children who share many of these disadvantaged backgrounds.
The first group are children whose bad behaviour, though sometimes very extreme, will peak in adolescence – the time of life when high risk-taking and poor decision-making is normative. But they will then become, by and large, law-abiding citizens, albeit with a criminal record, by the time they are adults.
But the behaviour of those in the second group will progressively worsen the older they get. They will turn into extremely dangerous adults. Dr Vizard characterises the second group as displaying what she calls Emerging Severe Personality Disorder (ESPD). They are potential psychopaths.
The two groups share many problems – childhood abuse, inconsistent parenting, mothers and fathers with mental health problems. And they share many psychological characteristics – they are all hyperactive, impulsive and physically aggressive. These traits can be detected when the child is as young as three, and they increase through to adolescence. Retrospective statistical analysis shows that the potential psychopaths display all these problems to a far greater extent. Yet it is hard early on for teachers, social workers or other adults to detect the behavioural differences which mark out the ESPD child from those with lesser forms of conduct disorder.
But Dr Vizard has, in a Home Office research study into 280 children with abusive and violent behaviour, uncovered two significant factors. "There were two things I wasn't expecting," she says. "The first is a strong association with cruelty to animals." The borderline between curiosity and cruelty is indistinct in many children, but we are talking here not about kids pulling the legs off spiders but of repeated patterns of cruelty to higher-order animals.
At its most extreme is the 10-year-old who trapped a cat and killed it by slowly slicing it with a knife, in order to see – he later told a psychiatrist, with icy logic – how much he could cut off the animal before it died. But ESPD children, says Dr Vizard, "stamp on small hamsters or mice. They squeeze them or burst them, set fire to their fur. It is gratuitous cruelty for which there can be no justification". One of the Edlington brothers was seen before his arrest smashing ducklings against a tree in a park to kill them.
"The other factor was a strong association with inappropriate sexual behaviour in general," says Dr Vizard. "Everything from putting sticks up people's bottoms to sex with animals." Of the sample in her major study, 59 per cent of offenders had sexually abused a child five years younger than them, and 9 per cent had engaged in sexual activity with animals. "One fifth of these offenders have convictions for sexual offences before they move on to violent offences."
Some of the distinct characteristics of these potential psychopaths are now clear. They have a grandiose sense of self-worth. They are stimulation seekers. They cannot control their tempers. They lie pathologically. They have shallow affections. They are callous, lack empathy and cannot easily differentiate between people and objects. They manipulate for personal gain. They have poor anger control. They lack remorse or the ability to accept responsibility for their actions. And they have great criminal versatility.
"More research is needed on how to identify this sub-group who may develop psychopathy very early on," says Dr Vizard. "And the Government should fund research into new treatment approaches for these disturbed children. It could save the public purse millions by preventing them from ever entering the criminal justice system." A place in a secure unit can cost as much as £229,950 a year for each child.
Decisions on how to handle extremely violent children begin to be made even before they are sentenced. Once a child has been found guilty of a serious offence the court will order pre- sentence reports.
The task of producing that is down to one of Britain's 159 Youth Offending Teams; in a routine case it takes around three weeks. "We will talk to the police, the victim, look at previous convictions, visit the kid's home and parents, talk to their teachers, education psychologists and education case-workers," says Gareth Jones, the vice-chair of the Association of Youth Offending Team Managers, who has worked 25 years in the criminal justice system. "Once they have been found guilty, the police give us access to a whole lot more information on the offence.
"One of the skills we need is to be downright nosey, to ask difficult questions for parents: What time does he come in? Do you really know where he's been? How many partners have you had in the last six months? They often say: 'What's that to do with you?' but we persist."
They work with the offender too. "We find out what is their thinking, attitude, and sense of culpability. We need to take a view on what is the risk of them reoffending," he says.
In serious cases the court will require a report from a psychiatrist, a forensic psychologist and the secure home where they were on remand.
The Youth Offending Team report will then recommend a sentence to the court. "We look at what is an appropriate punishment, what is needed to protect the public, what is needed to make therapy and rehabilitation effective," Gareth Jones says. "That means considering what they need in terms of education, drug abuse work, parenting courses etc. And we have to think what is needed for their protection – 33 young people have killed themselves inside in recent years." And almost one third of suicides occur within the first week of someone arriving in custody.
A wide range of options are available to the courts. In less serious cases a community supervision order may be all that is deemed necessary. But in cases of extreme violence there are three possibilities, according to Tim Bateman, a visiting research fellow in criminology at the University of Bedfordshire who is also Youth Crime Policy Officer with the crime reduction charity Nacro. "Detention in a mental hospital is one, if there is a diagnosis of schizophrenia, hearing voices or some such," he says. "But it is very rare for such diagnoses to be made quite so clearly with people of this age; such a placement would be quite rare." What is most common is a fixed-term sentence, from which they would be released halfway through, or an indeterminate sentence, with a recommended tariff at the end of which they will only be released, on lifelong licence, with the approval of the Parole Board.
"For children who pose a serious risk to the public – having been convicted of arson, GBH, rape or homicide, or who exhibit a pattern of behaviour which suggests they might do it again – the indeterminate sentence is often the preferred option," Tim Bateman says. They will only be released if the Parole Board determines that they no long represent a serious risk to the public, that they have come to an understanding of their offence and exhibit remorse, and that there is evidence of change.
"It's quite a high threshold. And they are only released on licence and can be called back to jail at any time," he adds. "The tariff has to be fixed to strike a balance between the punishment being seen to fit the seriousness of the crime, and the child being able to see light at the end of the tunnel, so we don't undermine their motivation to change. That's important for all criminals, but particularly for children who are less culpable, less responsible, and have a more rapid potential for change than adults. Children can change; developmentally that's what children do."
The other key decision is on where to detain the child criminal. Those over 16 who are not considered vulnerable are usually sent to a Young Offender Institution (YOI), which can house up to 360 young people in wings of up to 60 individuals. Those between 14 and 15 are usually sent to a Secure Training Centre (STC). These are smaller and have a higher staff-to-child ratio. But the youngest and more vulnerable offenders are sent to one of the 10 secure children's homes run by a handful of local authorities.
"Decisions are largely made on grounds of cost," says Tim Bateman. "A place in a secure children's home costs around £200,000 a year; in an STC it is around £150,000 and in a YOI it is £50-80,000." Which is why 85 per cent of kids who are locked up are in a Young Offender Institution – though it would be cheaper to send them to Eton.
Care is undoubtedly better in a secure children's home. Secure homes have residential care-workers with greater training and lower staff turnover. There has never been a child death in a secure home, whereas there have been in both STCs and YOIs. Which is why the Lord Chief Justice, Lord Woolf, when he lowered the tariff on the Bulger killers, cited as his reason that transferring Thompson and Venables to the "corrosive atmosphere" of a Young Offenders Institution could undo the good done by eight years in a secure home.
Where an offence involves two children, they are almost invariably sent to separate secure units. The Edlington brothers have been kept in secure units more than 50 miles apart. And when they have briefly met at court appearances, social workers monitored their conversations.
"Co-offenders are kept apart because keeping them together may allow each to reinforce in the other's mind a joint rationale or self-justification for their offence," says Tim Bateman. Where psychopaths tend to stand outside the values of the group to which they belong, sociopaths have a sense of right and wrong that is based on the values of their criminal group. "And the two offenders may have played different roles in the offence," Tim Bateman adds. "There may be a big age difference, one may be 14 and the other 10. One may have had a string of previous offences, and the other none. And they may be released at different times if one has made more progress than the other."
But many experts are wary of the suggestion that in a crime one child may be the leader and the other merely a follower.
"We have two kids who are quite OK when they are on their own but who, when they get together, become a rather nasty unit," says Gareth Jones. "The idea that there's a follower and a leader is a bit reductive," agrees Pam Hibbert. "Yes, kids egg each other on. But they can't absolve themselves of responsibility by blaming the other."
"You might ask one child, 'Why did you stick the knife in the old man's eye?" says Dr Derek Indoe, a clinical and forensic psychologist with the Child and Adolescent Service at the Bristol Hospital for Sick Children. "But it may well be as revealing to ask the second child, 'Why did you pass the knife over to your friend? What did you really think he was going to do with it? Might he not have done it had you not passed it?' "
If you don't split them up it may be difficult for them to accept their own responsibility for what happened. "Removing them from the relationship with their co-offender," says Pam Hibbert, "may be a key part of removing them from the chaos in which they have been living."
Progress on offenders' treatment is monitored at monthly meetings between the child's personal prison officer, education workers, psychiatrist, therapists, substance abuse worker, parents and Youth Offending Team case manager. In difficult cases they meet fortnightly, or even weekly.
"Of course some children learn how to give the 'right' answers," says the criminologist Professor Gwyneth Boswell. "But you also do qualitative in-depth interviews which will reveal any inconsistencies, probe the links in the chain as to the reasons why they offended, how far those reasons are being eradicated, and what is the risk of them doing it again in the future".
The evidence is that change can come; redemption is more than a theological construct, especially with the young.
"Under the age of 18, teenagers are still developing rapidly, finding their own personality, and are more open to change," says Professor Boswell. "Everything we know about psychological development suggests that the younger you are, the more malleable." The adolescent brain is in a state of constant pruning and rewiring, and there are concomitant changes in thinking ability and emotional maturity.
Some sections of society do not want to believe that children can be transformed. The sense of justice on display in the tabloid press is mired in notions of evil and retribution. It is not open to empirical evidence. The notion that reward, rather than punishment, is more productive is anathema to them – which is why they pillory approaches which offer incentives to children convicted of horrendous crimes.
When news leaked that the killers of James Bulger had, six years on, been taken to ice hockey games, productions of Shakespeare or on shopping trips to Sheffield and Manchester, the popular press whipped up a storm of protest. More generally the system of reward incentives, which social workers called "intermediate treatment", was ridiculed as "free cruises for villains".
Yet such outings make sense for those on long sentences, both as incentives to good behaviour and to prepare them to return to the outside world. As the end of their detention draws near they are allowed a wider range of visitors. They have some supervised home visits. They are allowed out with a care-worker so that they can get used to the bustle of shops, the noise of a pub, or the press of a football crowd. Releasing them unprepared for all that would risk them being overwhelmed and raise the chances of problems.
Those convicted of the most serious offences still have to convince the Parole Board that they have developed an understanding of why they are locked up. Above all, they must convince the board that they are no longer a high risk to the rest of society.
Murder has a low recidivism rate anyway, and none of those convicted of murder or manslaughter as children have ever gone on to repeat that kind of offence. The worst thing Mary Bell did after her release was commit benefit fraud.
But the child-killers do not make up the majority of child prisoners. Most children in secure homes are inside for less than two years. "The challenge with those on shorter sentences is to do something that will make a real difference," says Roy Walker, who has worked for 17 years with such children. "But you've got to do that in the context of what they'll go back to when they return home.
"So you have to have an exit plan from the outset. If they are in for a long term, you can aim towards getting them three A levels. But if it's shorter you have to be realistic and perhaps identify just a couple of priorities that you can reasonably hope to achieve."
The problem is that those on short sentences go back to the chaotic world which spawned them. "The most violent offenders can come out from long sentences completely changed individuals," says Nacro's Tim Bateman. "And they are not going back to the circumstances that they left. But those who are in for six months, by contrast, often return to their old life – with a predictably high return to drugs and crime."
Those not in for such long sentences inevitably gravitate back to their families. The psychiatric social workers in the secure homes try to do some work with the families in preparation, but with mixed results.
The good done by the education in the secure unit can be threatened too. "They have great educational opportunities inside," says Roy Walker, "and then they are sent back to their old school where very few people appreciate the quality of the education they have had inside, and where people assume that a leopard can't change its spots and often treat them with suspicion. To which the kids respond: 'Well, fuck me, if they're not even going to give me a chance then I'm off then'."
The longer that violent children are detained in secure units, the greater their chances of benefiting in the long term from time spent there.
"It's an irony," laughs Roy Walker, "but it wouldn't be very good if we were spending £200,000 a year on these kids and they didn't improve." Walker says he sees kids crying on the day their sentence is up. "I've often seen them in tears because they do not want to go home". It is a graphic reminder of our society's failure in its duty to break the inter-generational cycle of inadequacy, abuse and depravation which nurtured such children in the first place.
Paul Vallely: As the Edlington 'torture boys' face sentencing for horrifying violence, can secure children's homes ever offer redemption?
The car turns into the driveway of the large Edwardian house, but it ignores the front door and sweeps on to the low, new brick-built extension at the side of the house. The windows there are of reflective glass. Outsiders can't see in. But the occupants can see out.
As the car approaches, a shutter at the side of the building rises. After the car has entered, it falls. In the control room, where staff survey two banks of close-circuit TV screens – from 16 external and 16 internal cameras – the staff press the button to close the shutter. Only when it has clanged back into place are the car doors opened. Two men get out of the back. So does the small boy who has been sitting between them.
This is not one of the two boys from Edlington, near Doncaster, who will be sentenced this week for a sadistically violent attack committed when they were aged just 10 and 11 on two other boys of similar age. But it is a boy who has committed a crime like that. Only a minority of such cases come to public attention.
The child is one of the 150 children in Britain today who are so violent, sometimes at an age as young as 10, that they have to be locked up. The building is one of 10 secure children's homes throughout England – with innocuous names like Red Bank, Vinney Green, Barton Moss, East Moor, Hillside and Clayfield – which keep them under lock and key, for the protection of the public and, in many cases, for the good of the children themselves.
It was in a home like this that the 10-year-old killers of the toddler James Bulger – Robert Thompson and Jon Venables – served their eight-year sentences. Venables was held in the same unit that had previously held another child killer, Mary Bell, who was also only aged 11 when she was convicted of killing a three-year-old and a four-year-old in two separate attacks. It is to two separate homes like these that the Edlington brothers, the "devil boys" as the tabloids called them, will be taken.
The boy does his best to look composed and confident. But he has lost some of his swagger. He is no longer in control of his own life. That had been brought home to him in the car on the long drive from the courthouse to the secure unit. He had been asked if he would like a McDonald's, since he had been whisked out of the court with no food, and it had been a long drive. But they had stopped at a drive-through, and the food had been passed through the driver's window so the boy had no chance to escape. In the secure unit there are locks on every door, and the keys are on a chain from the manager's belt.
The boy is escorted from the garage across a corridor along which he can hear the noise of other children in the dining room. He glances nervously towards the sound as he is shepherded into a meeting room with a long, narrow table and works of art on the walls, done by previous inmates. There is a painting from the inside of a cave, looking out to the blue-grey daylight. There is a Banksy-style stencil of a black-and-white rock thrower in mid-hurl, his missile replaced by a bunch of flowers. There is a realist daub of a pot of flowers, withered and dead.
"Whether or not they admit it, no matter how hard they are, they're scared," the unit's manager, a social worker with two decades of experience of detaining these children, tells me when the boy is gone. But before that he does an introductory run through of the unit's daily regime.
"We get up at 7.30," he begins. The boy looks shocked, as if he thought that 7.30 only happened in the evening. "Breakfast at 8.15. Then chores – hoovering, dusting – till 8.50. Then education, with lessons till 12.15, including a short break, and then lunch. Then education again until 3.30, after which there is some individual or group work till tea at 4.45. After that it's homework for an hour..."
"Homework?" says the boy, incredulously. "Can't I go on the Xbox?"
"Homework, for one hour, then after that Structured Activities – craftwork, model- making, gym, badminton, table tennis, volleyball," says the manager. "Then after that maybe some time on the Xbox, if you've earned the privilege. We have supper at 8.30 and then it's off to bed with everybody, depending on their age, locked in by 9.30."
"9.30? I don't go to bed at 9.30."
"You do now."
The manager lays down the other rules and sets out the ethos and the expectations of the unit. "We don't tolerate bullying. We don't accept violence or aggression or behaviour that puts others at risk. There is no smoking or alcohol allowed ..." and on he goes, advising the boy not to disclose to the other inmates the reason he has been sentenced. There is a hierarchy of crimes for imprisoned children, as there is for adults, with some seen as glamorous – a response the unit wants to discourage – and others provoking bullying.
At the end, the unit's manager asks: "Have you got any questions?" When the boy says "No", he asks: "Would you like to phone your mum?"
The sooner a child settles in, the less trouble he will be. Arranging an early visit by a mother – even a mother whose behaviour has aggravated their child's delinquency – is a key part of the initial strategy of normalisation.
The boy is conducted down the corridor. "The lights come on automatically, as you pass," the manager tells him. "And cameras film everywhere, except in bedrooms. They record everything – for my safety, as well as yours." He points to a flashing light in a fitting in the ceiling. "That identifies me, and my location, from my pager."
They come to another locked door, with a keypad and a fingerprint scanner by it. "Every resident care worker has his own individual PIN number he must enter. And the scanner only works with a live finger. It wouldn't work if someone had cut it off," he says, and laughs. His is a grim humour, but there is a point to his jokes. "Always tell them everything," he says later. "So they know, and they know you know."
There is nothing here of the atmosphere of a Victorian gaol. There are no bars, but the windows are thick plastic that can't be broken. The doors may look wooden, but that is veneer on a heavy steel core. "Young people are not here to be punished," the manager says afterwards. "The punishment is being locked up."
He takes the boy into the dining room. "Everyone puts on weight here," jokes the manager. "The food is good, with three or four choices including salad, sandwiches and a healthy option. You can get chips, but only on Fridays." The room is served from a hatch with a grille behind it, to prevent the inmates getting hold of the knives in the kitchen.
The boy turns to look at the staff behind the grille. But he is not interested in the food. He is avoiding the gaze of the dozen or so other residents, a mix of boys and girls aged between 12 and 15, although vulnerable boys can be allowed to stay until they are 16 before being sent to a Secure Training Centre, which houses 14-16 year olds, or a Young Offender Institution, for 16-18 year olds.
"Now remember what it was like on your first day," the manager says to the others, introducing the boy by name. "And don't go bombarding him with questions." The kids sit three or four to a table, with an adult. There is a gender mix of staff, who wear their own clothes rather than uniforms as staff do in the units for older children. "We're after something approximating to a parental relationship," says the manager afterwards.
"We use first names here," the manager tells the boy. "Because respect doesn't come from titles. It has to be earned. And that's a two-way thing. If you don't like me, that's alright, but if you call me a fucking knobhead we'll deal with that." It is a warning, but it is matter of fact and contains no menace.
They leave the others to their meal and walk through the unit. In the lounge the television set is boxed into a wooden bookcase with a huge Perspex screen in front of it. "They get smashed," the manager shrugs to me. "You learn the hard way. After 20 years in the job I'm still learning." The locked cupboards contain the unit's DVD collection. "You can only watch films or play games with the appropriate age certificate; there's no Grand Theft Auto in here," he says. "The other cupboards are mainly filled with books. We're very keen on books."
The next room is a classroom with a whiteboard and five computer terminals. In the corner of the room is a carton full of baby dolls, black, white and Chinese-looking. Each has a programmable box in the back. "We use them to teach the kids something about looking after a baby. You can programme them so they wake up every two hours through the night and cry. The cry is piercing. If the doll is tossed aside or thumped, the box will register all that. We give them to boys as well as girls."
But this is just in passing. He is moving through the unit towards the sleeping quarters. Bedrooms, he calls them, but when he opens the last door and ushers the boy inside with the words "This is your room" he might as well use the word "cell".
It is frighteningly austere and spartan. The heavy plastic bed is built into the walls and floor and is topped with a three-inch mattress. The adjoining bathroom has its door locked open and set flush into the wall, so it offers no ligature points from which an inmate might hang himself. For the same reason there is no shelf below the mirror. There is no shower spout; the rose just emerges from the ceiling. There is no shower tray even, the water falls onto the bare floor. Even the hinges of the door have been fully recessed so there is nothing to which a belt, shoelace, shirt or other means of self-harm might be fixed.
No that such pieces of clothing are allowed in the cell. All must be left in a locker outside. Nothing is allowed into the cell which has not been risk-assessed. In the early stages not even photographs of home are allowed. Nor even the teddy bears which some 10-year-olds bring in with them – for these are child-killers who fall asleep sucking their thumbs and often wet the bed, the manager says afterwards. He sees them, though the hatch in the cell door through which a member of staff looks every 20 minutes throughout the night – having turned on the light to make sure they're asleep.
They are not even, at first, allowed a radio, though later they can save for one from the money they can earn for good behaviour. Reinforcing the positive, rather than punishing the negative, is the strategy these units have found, over the years, to be most successful. "When they have earned enough privileges they will be loaned a radio belonging to the unit, but they are very basic ones. They have to be because they often get smashed, as an expression of anger, distress or frustration when Mum or Dad doesn't turn up for a visit, or a phone call with girlfriend outside goes wrong."
The inmates are given 30 minutes' worth of phone calls free each day. "It's not a privilege," says the manager later. "We want to encourage them to talk. It's the first step to everything. Each has an approved list of people they can phone; they can't just can't just ring their Uncle Degsy who turns out to be the bloke they get their drugs from. But even kids who never had time for their mothers outside find they want to talk to their mums once they're in here. It's one of the first changes being locked up brings."
The walls of the cell are bare. A boy may be allowed to put up posters later, but nothing more. "You can't hide much behind a poster," the manager says. It will not be long before the process of small rewards begins. "We can have a good idea by the end of the first week how they are going to behave. It's amazing how quickly residential staff get to know the kids."
Inside the boy looks around the stark cell. The door thuds shut with a deep resonating thud behind him. He lies down on his bed and stares at the high white bare ceiling. A ghostly disembodied voice echoes eerily from the intercom by the hatch in the door. "You alright then?"
He replies with a single word and turns his head into his pillow and begins to cry. They call it a secure children's home. But he is in prison. There is no mistaking that.
No child is born evil. But they are creatures of their parents and of circumstance. Children who commit violent crimes almost always share a similar background. Their parents are poorly educated, unemployed and often suffer from depression or other mental health problems; many are drug abusers or on the fringes of criminality. They often have large families but are also divorced or separated.
An authoritative survey of the mental health of young offenders published in the British Journal of Psychiatry in 2006 studied 301 young criminals aged 10 to 18 years. It found that 74 per cent had a family structure which had broken down, with only 36 per cent of their biological parents still married or cohabiting. More than a third of them had been in care – with many moved frequently from one home or foster home to another. One in three had a borderline learning disability, and one in five had an IQ below 70.
"It's very rare for a child involved with homicide or torture to come from a background with none of these risk factors," says Dr Eileen Vizard, a child and adolescent psychiatrist who runs the National Clinical Assessment and Treatment Service for the NSPCC, and who gave evidence at the Bulger trial.
These risk factors expose such children to a range of damaging experiences. They may witness repeated domestic violence or sexual abuse from an early age. They may be exposed to adults having sex in front of them and may routinely view slasher films or pornography left lying around the house.
"They are brought up with no boundaries, or inappropriate ones," says Pam Hibbert, who was until recently assistant director of policy at the children's charity Barnados and before that was a manager at Red Bank secure unit, where Mary Bell and Jon Venables served their sentences. "Children develop empathy from the way they are treated, not just fed and sheltered, but cuddled and stimulated. But the mothers themselves are often so needy."
Many were themselves brought up by dysfunctional parents who transmit their inadequacies to a new generation.
Inconsistency is one of their hallmarks. "One night they get a crack around the head from their mum because she's pissed; the next they get a cuddle; they just never know where they are," says Gareth Jones, one of the country's senior Youth Offending Team managers – who are the first members of the justice system to come into contact with such children when they break the law.
Typically, the inconsistency extends to discipline. These children are often allowed to roam the streets unchecked, but then arbitrarily subjected to harsh punishments.
The father of the Edlington boys was a violent alcoholic whose idea of instilling discipline was beating his children with golf clubs. He enjoyed forcing his sons – one of whom has been serving a sentence for mugging a woman of 68 at knife-point – to fight one another; if they refused, he hit them. He showed them violent and sadistic DVDs. Their mother, who has seven sons by three different fathers, admitted that she gave the boys cannabis to calm them down afterwards. At other times, neighbours reported, the young brothers were left to their own devices and were regularly seen scavenging for food or clothing which they pulled from skips.
"Such erratic and inconsistent behaviour, veering from the extremely harsh to the indifferent, cannot be called discipline," says Pam Hibbert.
Though the tabloid press routinely uses phrases like "evil" and "monsters" to describe children who commit horrendous crimes, it is hard to escape the bald conclusion that such kids are victims too. The criminologist Professor Gwyneth Boswell of Boswell Research Fellows and the School of Allied Health Professions, University of East Anglia, researched 200 children convicted of extreme offences throughout the Nineties. She discovered that 91 per cent of killers and violent kids had experienced physical, sexual or emotional abuse or had experienced some form of traumatic loss like the death or disappearance of a parent. More than a third had undergone both abuse and traumatic loss.
When Mary Bell killed two small children in 1968, the nation was shocked by the details of the murders. She had strangled the boys but in one case she had taken a pair of broken scissors and made light cuts to his genitals after the little child was dead. But what did not come out at the time was that Mary's mother, a prostitute who had tried to kill Mary on several occasions, had forced the five-year-old girl to perform oral sex acts with her clients.
"The public rarely gets to hear about backgrounds like Mary Bell's amid all the salacious material from the court case," Professor Boswell says. Even so, a large number of children in Britain today grow up in the heavily disadvantaged circumstances that all these academic studies reveal, yet only a tiny percentage grow into violent criminals. What are the extra factors which tip them into extreme violence?
Until recently it had become the received wisdom that in the old nature/nurture debate it was the way a child was brought up which was the key determinant. Violent children perhaps had lacked any positive influence from a significant adult, like a supportive teacher or relative. But more recent research is turning the spotlight also back onto the physiology of the child's brain, genetic influences and neuropsychological deficits.
New technologies like brain mapping are providing medical evidence to suggest that behaviour affects the physical development of the brain. "The way these children have been treated early in life can affect the size and functioning of the brain," says Dr Vizard. "It can be altered by neglect. The frontal lobes, which are to do with executive function and empathy, can be physically different; the circuiting in the brain has been affected. So we're not looking here at risk factors or brain function, but a complex interaction between both."
What is exercising Dr Vizard is whether psychiatrists and forensic psychologists might be able to predict that interaction. Her research suggests that there are two types of children who share many of these disadvantaged backgrounds.
The first group are children whose bad behaviour, though sometimes very extreme, will peak in adolescence – the time of life when high risk-taking and poor decision-making is normative. But they will then become, by and large, law-abiding citizens, albeit with a criminal record, by the time they are adults.
But the behaviour of those in the second group will progressively worsen the older they get. They will turn into extremely dangerous adults. Dr Vizard characterises the second group as displaying what she calls Emerging Severe Personality Disorder (ESPD). They are potential psychopaths.
The two groups share many problems – childhood abuse, inconsistent parenting, mothers and fathers with mental health problems. And they share many psychological characteristics – they are all hyperactive, impulsive and physically aggressive. These traits can be detected when the child is as young as three, and they increase through to adolescence. Retrospective statistical analysis shows that the potential psychopaths display all these problems to a far greater extent. Yet it is hard early on for teachers, social workers or other adults to detect the behavioural differences which mark out the ESPD child from those with lesser forms of conduct disorder.
But Dr Vizard has, in a Home Office research study into 280 children with abusive and violent behaviour, uncovered two significant factors. "There were two things I wasn't expecting," she says. "The first is a strong association with cruelty to animals." The borderline between curiosity and cruelty is indistinct in many children, but we are talking here not about kids pulling the legs off spiders but of repeated patterns of cruelty to higher-order animals.
At its most extreme is the 10-year-old who trapped a cat and killed it by slowly slicing it with a knife, in order to see – he later told a psychiatrist, with icy logic – how much he could cut off the animal before it died. But ESPD children, says Dr Vizard, "stamp on small hamsters or mice. They squeeze them or burst them, set fire to their fur. It is gratuitous cruelty for which there can be no justification". One of the Edlington brothers was seen before his arrest smashing ducklings against a tree in a park to kill them.
"The other factor was a strong association with inappropriate sexual behaviour in general," says Dr Vizard. "Everything from putting sticks up people's bottoms to sex with animals." Of the sample in her major study, 59 per cent of offenders had sexually abused a child five years younger than them, and 9 per cent had engaged in sexual activity with animals. "One fifth of these offenders have convictions for sexual offences before they move on to violent offences."
Some of the distinct characteristics of these potential psychopaths are now clear. They have a grandiose sense of self-worth. They are stimulation seekers. They cannot control their tempers. They lie pathologically. They have shallow affections. They are callous, lack empathy and cannot easily differentiate between people and objects. They manipulate for personal gain. They have poor anger control. They lack remorse or the ability to accept responsibility for their actions. And they have great criminal versatility.
"More research is needed on how to identify this sub-group who may develop psychopathy very early on," says Dr Vizard. "And the Government should fund research into new treatment approaches for these disturbed children. It could save the public purse millions by preventing them from ever entering the criminal justice system." A place in a secure unit can cost as much as £229,950 a year for each child.
Decisions on how to handle extremely violent children begin to be made even before they are sentenced. Once a child has been found guilty of a serious offence the court will order pre- sentence reports.
The task of producing that is down to one of Britain's 159 Youth Offending Teams; in a routine case it takes around three weeks. "We will talk to the police, the victim, look at previous convictions, visit the kid's home and parents, talk to their teachers, education psychologists and education case-workers," says Gareth Jones, the vice-chair of the Association of Youth Offending Team Managers, who has worked 25 years in the criminal justice system. "Once they have been found guilty, the police give us access to a whole lot more information on the offence.
"One of the skills we need is to be downright nosey, to ask difficult questions for parents: What time does he come in? Do you really know where he's been? How many partners have you had in the last six months? They often say: 'What's that to do with you?' but we persist."
They work with the offender too. "We find out what is their thinking, attitude, and sense of culpability. We need to take a view on what is the risk of them reoffending," he says.
In serious cases the court will require a report from a psychiatrist, a forensic psychologist and the secure home where they were on remand.
The Youth Offending Team report will then recommend a sentence to the court. "We look at what is an appropriate punishment, what is needed to protect the public, what is needed to make therapy and rehabilitation effective," Gareth Jones says. "That means considering what they need in terms of education, drug abuse work, parenting courses etc. And we have to think what is needed for their protection – 33 young people have killed themselves inside in recent years." And almost one third of suicides occur within the first week of someone arriving in custody.
A wide range of options are available to the courts. In less serious cases a community supervision order may be all that is deemed necessary. But in cases of extreme violence there are three possibilities, according to Tim Bateman, a visiting research fellow in criminology at the University of Bedfordshire who is also Youth Crime Policy Officer with the crime reduction charity Nacro. "Detention in a mental hospital is one, if there is a diagnosis of schizophrenia, hearing voices or some such," he says. "But it is very rare for such diagnoses to be made quite so clearly with people of this age; such a placement would be quite rare." What is most common is a fixed-term sentence, from which they would be released halfway through, or an indeterminate sentence, with a recommended tariff at the end of which they will only be released, on lifelong licence, with the approval of the Parole Board.
"For children who pose a serious risk to the public – having been convicted of arson, GBH, rape or homicide, or who exhibit a pattern of behaviour which suggests they might do it again – the indeterminate sentence is often the preferred option," Tim Bateman says. They will only be released if the Parole Board determines that they no long represent a serious risk to the public, that they have come to an understanding of their offence and exhibit remorse, and that there is evidence of change.
"It's quite a high threshold. And they are only released on licence and can be called back to jail at any time," he adds. "The tariff has to be fixed to strike a balance between the punishment being seen to fit the seriousness of the crime, and the child being able to see light at the end of the tunnel, so we don't undermine their motivation to change. That's important for all criminals, but particularly for children who are less culpable, less responsible, and have a more rapid potential for change than adults. Children can change; developmentally that's what children do."
The other key decision is on where to detain the child criminal. Those over 16 who are not considered vulnerable are usually sent to a Young Offender Institution (YOI), which can house up to 360 young people in wings of up to 60 individuals. Those between 14 and 15 are usually sent to a Secure Training Centre (STC). These are smaller and have a higher staff-to-child ratio. But the youngest and more vulnerable offenders are sent to one of the 10 secure children's homes run by a handful of local authorities.
"Decisions are largely made on grounds of cost," says Tim Bateman. "A place in a secure children's home costs around £200,000 a year; in an STC it is around £150,000 and in a YOI it is £50-80,000." Which is why 85 per cent of kids who are locked up are in a Young Offender Institution – though it would be cheaper to send them to Eton.
Care is undoubtedly better in a secure children's home. Secure homes have residential care-workers with greater training and lower staff turnover. There has never been a child death in a secure home, whereas there have been in both STCs and YOIs. Which is why the Lord Chief Justice, Lord Woolf, when he lowered the tariff on the Bulger killers, cited as his reason that transferring Thompson and Venables to the "corrosive atmosphere" of a Young Offenders Institution could undo the good done by eight years in a secure home.
Where an offence involves two children, they are almost invariably sent to separate secure units. The Edlington brothers have been kept in secure units more than 50 miles apart. And when they have briefly met at court appearances, social workers monitored their conversations.
"Co-offenders are kept apart because keeping them together may allow each to reinforce in the other's mind a joint rationale or self-justification for their offence," says Tim Bateman. Where psychopaths tend to stand outside the values of the group to which they belong, sociopaths have a sense of right and wrong that is based on the values of their criminal group. "And the two offenders may have played different roles in the offence," Tim Bateman adds. "There may be a big age difference, one may be 14 and the other 10. One may have had a string of previous offences, and the other none. And they may be released at different times if one has made more progress than the other."
But many experts are wary of the suggestion that in a crime one child may be the leader and the other merely a follower.
"We have two kids who are quite OK when they are on their own but who, when they get together, become a rather nasty unit," says Gareth Jones. "The idea that there's a follower and a leader is a bit reductive," agrees Pam Hibbert. "Yes, kids egg each other on. But they can't absolve themselves of responsibility by blaming the other."
"You might ask one child, 'Why did you stick the knife in the old man's eye?" says Dr Derek Indoe, a clinical and forensic psychologist with the Child and Adolescent Service at the Bristol Hospital for Sick Children. "But it may well be as revealing to ask the second child, 'Why did you pass the knife over to your friend? What did you really think he was going to do with it? Might he not have done it had you not passed it?' "
If you don't split them up it may be difficult for them to accept their own responsibility for what happened. "Removing them from the relationship with their co-offender," says Pam Hibbert, "may be a key part of removing them from the chaos in which they have been living."
Progress on offenders' treatment is monitored at monthly meetings between the child's personal prison officer, education workers, psychiatrist, therapists, substance abuse worker, parents and Youth Offending Team case manager. In difficult cases they meet fortnightly, or even weekly.
"Of course some children learn how to give the 'right' answers," says the criminologist Professor Gwyneth Boswell. "But you also do qualitative in-depth interviews which will reveal any inconsistencies, probe the links in the chain as to the reasons why they offended, how far those reasons are being eradicated, and what is the risk of them doing it again in the future".
The evidence is that change can come; redemption is more than a theological construct, especially with the young.
"Under the age of 18, teenagers are still developing rapidly, finding their own personality, and are more open to change," says Professor Boswell. "Everything we know about psychological development suggests that the younger you are, the more malleable." The adolescent brain is in a state of constant pruning and rewiring, and there are concomitant changes in thinking ability and emotional maturity.
Some sections of society do not want to believe that children can be transformed. The sense of justice on display in the tabloid press is mired in notions of evil and retribution. It is not open to empirical evidence. The notion that reward, rather than punishment, is more productive is anathema to them – which is why they pillory approaches which offer incentives to children convicted of horrendous crimes.
When news leaked that the killers of James Bulger had, six years on, been taken to ice hockey games, productions of Shakespeare or on shopping trips to Sheffield and Manchester, the popular press whipped up a storm of protest. More generally the system of reward incentives, which social workers called "intermediate treatment", was ridiculed as "free cruises for villains".
Yet such outings make sense for those on long sentences, both as incentives to good behaviour and to prepare them to return to the outside world. As the end of their detention draws near they are allowed a wider range of visitors. They have some supervised home visits. They are allowed out with a care-worker so that they can get used to the bustle of shops, the noise of a pub, or the press of a football crowd. Releasing them unprepared for all that would risk them being overwhelmed and raise the chances of problems.
Those convicted of the most serious offences still have to convince the Parole Board that they have developed an understanding of why they are locked up. Above all, they must convince the board that they are no longer a high risk to the rest of society.
Murder has a low recidivism rate anyway, and none of those convicted of murder or manslaughter as children have ever gone on to repeat that kind of offence. The worst thing Mary Bell did after her release was commit benefit fraud.
But the child-killers do not make up the majority of child prisoners. Most children in secure homes are inside for less than two years. "The challenge with those on shorter sentences is to do something that will make a real difference," says Roy Walker, who has worked for 17 years with such children. "But you've got to do that in the context of what they'll go back to when they return home.
"So you have to have an exit plan from the outset. If they are in for a long term, you can aim towards getting them three A levels. But if it's shorter you have to be realistic and perhaps identify just a couple of priorities that you can reasonably hope to achieve."
The problem is that those on short sentences go back to the chaotic world which spawned them. "The most violent offenders can come out from long sentences completely changed individuals," says Nacro's Tim Bateman. "And they are not going back to the circumstances that they left. But those who are in for six months, by contrast, often return to their old life – with a predictably high return to drugs and crime."
Those not in for such long sentences inevitably gravitate back to their families. The psychiatric social workers in the secure homes try to do some work with the families in preparation, but with mixed results.
The good done by the education in the secure unit can be threatened too. "They have great educational opportunities inside," says Roy Walker, "and then they are sent back to their old school where very few people appreciate the quality of the education they have had inside, and where people assume that a leopard can't change its spots and often treat them with suspicion. To which the kids respond: 'Well, fuck me, if they're not even going to give me a chance then I'm off then'."
The longer that violent children are detained in secure units, the greater their chances of benefiting in the long term from time spent there.
"It's an irony," laughs Roy Walker, "but it wouldn't be very good if we were spending £200,000 a year on these kids and they didn't improve." Walker says he sees kids crying on the day their sentence is up. "I've often seen them in tears because they do not want to go home". It is a graphic reminder of our society's failure in its duty to break the inter-generational cycle of inadequacy, abuse and depravation which nurtured such children in the first place.
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